CIHS – Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies

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Sino-India Relations: Clashes and Dynamics

Rohan Giri The aggression by the Communist Party of China (CPC) through the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) along the Indian border has been a source of tension between India and China. The CPC’s activities encompass infrastructure development, PLA buildup, and territorial assertions. One particular area of contention in the ongoing border contentions between the China and India is the Pangong Tso glacial lake region, which stretches across eastern Ladakh and western Tibet. In the aftermath of the violent clash in the Galwan Valley in 2020, both nations have notably escalated their respective regional infrastructure development endeavours. In recent years, the CPC has actively pursued infrastructure projects along the Line of Actual Control (LAC), with a particular focus on the Pangong Tso glacial lake area. Notably, one significant development is the construction of a bridge that spans the glacial lake, linking the north and south banks. This bridge holds significant strategic value for the CPC, as it improves connectivity and enables the smooth movement of military assets. Moreover, the CPC has successfully completed the construction of a second bridge and is currently working on establishing road connectivity along the south bank leading to Shandong village. Moreover, the CPC is currently undertaking the construction of a 22 km-long tunnel along the G-0177 expressway in Yuli, which will serve as a crucial link to the G-216 highway in Tibet. These infrastructure projects clearly demonstrate the CPC’s unwavering commitment to strengthen its presence and enhance its military capabilities in the region. The aggressive development pursued by the CPC is consistent with its regional ambitions and the aim to extend its influence and control over strategically important areas along its boundaries with India. This approach enables the CPC to assert power and establish dominance in border regions, potentially curtailing India’s influence. Moreover, these developments reinforce China’s publicised  military capabilities and fortify border security, safeguarding its territorial claims and perceived national interests. However, India has also responded strongly to curtail China’s influence by actively engaging in infrastructure development initiatives in the Pangong Tso area. India has placed significant emphasis on enhancing road networks, establishing advanced landing grounds, and implementing other infrastructure projects. Construction work is currently underway to create an alternate axis to the crucial Darbuk-Skyok-Daulat Beg Oldie road, further improving connectivity and mobility in the region. The construction activities undertaken by the CPC have not only provoked India but have also necessitated the development of infrastructure in response. These infrastructure developments by both the China and India have resulted in a permanent alteration of the status quo in the Pangong Tso area. The construction of the bridge by the CPC and the black-topped road by India signify their respective efforts to consolidate their presence and enhance their military capabilities in the region. These infrastructure developments underscore the importance of constructive dialogue to prevent further escalation of tensions and uphold regional stability. The CPC is confronted with border tensions on multiple fronts as a result of its aggressive infrastructure development and encroachment policies. One notable area of contention is the South China Sea, where CPC’s territorial claims, represented by the nine-dash line, clash with the claims of neighbouring countries such as Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia, Brunei, and Taiwan. These conflicting claims have sparked maritime disputes, heightened tensions, and escalated military presence in the region. Furthermore, in the Taiwan Strait, CPC regards Taiwan as an integral part of its territory and has not ruled out the use of force to achieve assimilation. The Taiwan Strait remains a potential hotspot, with CPC intensifying military activities and conducting drills near the self-governing island. This situation has strained cross-strait relations and attracted the attention of regional and global powers. In the Himalayan region, the CPC has long-standing border disputes with neighbouring countries, including India, Bhutan, and Nepal. The Chinese shallow and illegal claims in border areas have been vehemently contested, leading to CPC’s frustration leading to standoffs in the region. In addition to the aforementioned disputes, the CPC and Japan have a territorial disagreement concerning the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands in the East China Sea. Both nations assert sovereignty over these islands, which has resulted in frequent standoffs and heightened military presence in the region. The CPC’s claims and actions have raised substantial concerns among numerous countries. The construction of artificial islands, the militarisation of certain features, and assertive behaviour in disputed areas have prompted questions regarding the CPC’s intentions and its adherence to international norms. Thus, the CPC’s approach demonstrates a non-conformist mindset characterised by engaging in illegal infrastructure development, encroaching upon contested territories, and violating the sovereignty of other nations. An illustrative instance of this behaviour is observed in the South China Sea, which serves as a prominent example of a disputed territory. In this region, the CPC has undertaken the construction of artificial islands and the establishment of military installations in areas that are claimed by multiple countries. These actions have significantly heightened tensions and disputes with neighbouring nations, and have cast doubts on the CPC’s adherence to international laws and agreements, notably the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). Coming back to intricate dynamics of Sino-India relations, which are characterised by complexity and nuance. It is important to maintain realistic expectations regarding the stability of the relationship, considering the long-standing territorial disputes between the two nations. The CPC’s failure to adequately address these disputes contributes to the ongoing instability in their bilateral ties. Additionally, both the China and India hold significant regional power status, and their geopolitical and strategic interests often intersect, leading to competition and conflicting priorities. Both countries are experiencing rapid economic growth and play prominent roles in the global marketplace. This economic competition, particularly in sectors such as manufacturing and technology, can strain their bilateral relations. Issues such as trade imbalances, market access, and protection of intellectual property rights further contribute to the complexities and potential frictions between them. India’s impressive economic growth positions it as a potential future global powerhouse. With its dynamic and youthful workforce, expanding middle class,

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Americans Roll Out the Red Carpet for PM Modi

Rahul Pawa | @imrahulpawa Prime Minister Modi’s visit is expected to reinforce the Indo-US ties, which are firmly anchored in the shared values of democracy, diversity, and freedom. As both nations confront common global challenges, their collaboration continues to strengthen, fostering a promising future.Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s ongoing four day state visit to the United States has ignited a palpable sense of anticipation and excitement. Since the Prime Minister Modi’s arrival in New York yesterday to a resplendent reception accorded by a vibrant Indian American  community in New York has amplified the fervour surrounding the visit, infusing it with an electric atmosphere, captivated people’s attention and setting the stage for a series of remarkable moments that have captured imaginations. One such moment that has sparked global enthusiasm was when the worlds richest man, Elon Musk expressed “I am a fan of Modi,” adding to the allure of this momentous occasion. Furthermore, the resplendent reception bestowed upon the Prime Minister Modi by the Indian community in New York has only served to intensify the fervent atmosphere surrounding this momentous occasion. During this sojourn, Prime Minister Modi engage in meaningful discussions with luminous figures, such as Ray Dalio, Neil deGrasse Tyson, Robert Thurman, and Paul Romer, thereby augmenting the already heightened sense of excitement enveloping the visit. The convergence of these extraordinary minds has served to heighten the anticipation surrounding the visit, augmenting its significance and stimulating intellectual discourse. During these interactions, Prime Minister Modi also engaged in comprehensive discussions encompassing policy-making, emerging trends, and accentuated the positive transformations transpiring within India with think-tanks, experts, and leaders in their fields. He emphasised the nation’s progress and sought to explore avenues for further advancements, deliberated on augmenting healthcare capacities within India, delved into strategies to fortify the education sector. Such focused dialogues reflect the Indian Prime Minister Modi’s commitment to enhancing key areas of societal development. In his maiden state visit to the US, Prime Minister Modi’s gracious reception by the American people and the invitation extended by President Joe Biden and First Lady Jill Biden testify to the deepening significance of the India-US partnership within today’s dynamic global landscape. As geopolitical shifts, emerging threats, and shared concerns shape this era, this historic visit places a strong emphasis on fostering cooperation across critical domains. At the same time, showcases India’s rising global stature under Prime Minister Modi and  his positive transformative role in world affairs. Despite having visited the US on six occasions since assuming office in 2014 and engaging with three US presidents—Barack Obama, Donald Trump, and Joe Biden—this state visit holds a special place for Prime Minister Modi. State visits are typically reserved for heads of state, not heads of government, making this invitation by the Biden’s an extraordinary honour that highlights the charisma and allure the Prime Minister  Modi commands. The visit will commence with PM Modi leading the International Day of Yoga celebration at the United Nations Headquarters in New York on June 21. Yoga, an ancient Indian tradition that has become a global phenomenon, serves as a unifying force, fostering compassion and well-being. Its holistic approach, benefiting billions worldwide, brings people together and promotes a balanced mind, body, and soul. This celebration will highlight India’s rich cultural heritage and its profound contributions to the world. In addition to the UN event, PM Modi will engage with business leaders in New York to explore opportunities for enhancing the Indo-US trade and investment relationship while fortifying global supply chains. Recognising the pivotal role played by the Indian-American community in fostering bilateral ties, PM Modi will also meet with the vibrant diaspora at the Ronald Reagan Centre. This interaction will showcase the Indian diaspora’s achievements and contributions to both Indian and American societies, further strengthening people-to-people linkages. The visit’s agenda includes crucial bilateral discussions, delegation-level talks, and press statements, paving the way for significant announcements. On June 22, President Joe Biden and First Lady Jill Biden will host PM Modi at a grand state dinner, an exquisite display of American hospitality. The state dinner, meticulously planned by the White House, marks the pinnacle of the state visit and offers an opportunity for the leaders to deepen their personal bonding and understanding. PM Modi’s itinerary also encompasses a momentous address to the Joint Session of the U.S. Congress on June 22. With a history of bipartisan support for India-US relations, the US Congress serves as a significant platform for PM Modi to share his vision for the future of the partnership. Notably, he will become the first Indian leader to address the US Congress twice, an esteemed recognition that places him alongside revered global leaders like Nelson Mandela. With Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s momentous state visit to the United States on the horizon, the invitation extended by President Joe Biden and First Lady Jill Biden serves as a powerful testament to the growing significance of the India-US partnership in our ever-evolving global landscape. This visit represents a wide-ranging collaboration, from strengthening defense ties to fostering advancements in healthcare, technology, and environmental sustainability. Anchored in the shared values of democracy, diversity, and freedom, the Indo-US ties are poised to be reinforced as both nations confront common global challenges. Through high-level engagements, strategic dialogues, and enthusiastic participation from various sectors, Prime Minister Modi’s state visit promises to leave a lasting impact on the bilateral relationship, opening new avenues for cooperation which  would shape global order. (author is an international criminal lawyer and director of research at New Delhi based think tank Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies)

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Yoga uniting nations, cultures and communities through wellness

Rohan Giri / New Delhi Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi is on a three-day state visit to the United States of America where he will lead International Yoga Day congregation at United Nations headquarters in New York. Introduction of Yoga to America can be traced to late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries when Indian philosophers and spiritual leaders like Swami Vivekananda and Paramahansa Yogananda visited the country. They shared teachings of Yoga, philosophy, and meditation, igniting curiosity among a small group of intellectuals and seekers. However, during countercultural movement in1960s and 1970s, Yoga gained significant attention. Yoga has its origins in India as a science of physical, mental, and spiritual well-being. United Nations designated June 21 as International Yoga Day in 2015 in recognition of its potent contribution to humanity in present days of conflict, suffering, pain and economic instability. Now, Yoga practitioners can be found across the world. This year, on the day, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi will lead the yoga practitioners globally with his participation from the United States where he’s on a state visit. In last eight years, growing tribe of yoga practitioners across geographies demonstrate the impact and transforming potential of cultural interchange and diplomacy. Cultural Bridge Presence of Narendra Modi at the helm of the International Yoga Day celebrations in the US also reflects the growing importance of Yoga as a cultural bridge between the two countries. It represented the acceptance of Yoga as a universal practice that crosses borders, faiths, and ideologies. Inclusive nature of Yoga, creating unity, harmony, and mutual respect among many cultures and communities is a message this centuries old practice has signaled. Health & Well-being Of late, the world has witnessed renewed focus on health and well-being as lives got trickier and heal care costs surged getting beyond reach. The two-year long fight against COVID-19 pandemic also highlighted the importance of maintaining physical and mental wellness. With its holistic approach, Yoga offered many benefits including stress reduction, enhanced flexibility, improved posture, robust immune system and a calmer mind. Narendra Modi’s leadership on Yoga Day 2023 in the US also serves as a timely powerful reminder of global significance attached to Yoga. Yoga Diplomacy: In the present day context, Yoga has also evolved as a powerful tool of smart and soft power projecting India’s cultural influence and values to the world. The positive image of Yoga has become bedrock several public diplomacy events internationally in respective countries bid to resolve knotty issues. For India, Yoga is a medium showcase her cultural heritage, emphasizing peace, unity, and holistic well-being. This form of public diplomacy strengthens a nation’s soft power and creates avenues for dialogue, cooperation, and mutual understanding among nations. India’s thrust on Yoga is also due to its belief in the age old practice’s potential to contribute positively for the humanity that needs a soothing balm. Diplomacy which has usually been connected with political talks and agreements has found a new expression in the practice of Yoga. Owing to Prime Minister Modi’s participation in the Yoga event, it has to lead to improvement in India’s cultural diplomacy and deepened ties with the United States. Strengthening people-to-people contacts, increased understanding, and setting up friendship bridges between the two countries is something Yoga has done and is likely to achieve for communities internationally. Legacy of Yoga Yoga has a rich legacy. Practitioners have handed over the beliefs and practices through generations carrying profound wisdom and teachings. Emphasizing Yoga’s past and reinforcing its eternal relevance in a rapidly changing world is something that annual Yoga events are bound to reinforce. Indian diaspora in America played a vital role in promoting, preserving and evolving Yoga as a cultural and spiritual practice. They have shared their cultural heritage with the broader American society through passion, knowledge, and dedication. Yoga has also turned into a powerful tool connecting the Indian diaspora to their roots while providing a means for personal growth, community-building, and cultural exchange. As the Indian diaspora continues to shape the narrative of Yoga in America, their contributions bridge cultural divides, celebrate diversity, and cultivate a deeper understanding of Indian and American identities. Narendra Modi’s leadership of the International Yoga Day celebrations in United States this year is a milestone in global adoption of Yoga. It symbolized the power of Yoga to transcend cultural boundaries. (Author is operations manager at Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies, non-partisan think tank based in New Delhi)

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‘India deserves a much higher, deeper, wider profile & global role’

Prime Minister Narendra Modi harps on ‘unprecedented trust’ as he emplanes to US for showcasing India’s smart and soft power prowess. By Rajesh Roy, Brendan Moran and Gordon Fairclough NEW DELHI—Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi said ties between New Delhi and Washington are stronger and deeper than ever as India moves to secure what he sees as its rightful place on the world stage at a moment of geopolitical turmoil. “There is an unprecedented trust” between the leaders of the U.S. and India, Modi said in an interview ahead of his first official state visit to Washington after nine years in office. He hailed growing defense cooperation between the two countries as “an important pillar of our partnership,” which he said extends to trade, technology and energy. In Washington this week, Modi is expected to complete deals to manufacture jet-fighter engines in India to power advanced light combat aircraft, and to purchase high-altitude armed Predator drones from the U.S. in a multibillion-dollar agreement to boost surveillance efforts over the Indian Ocean and near its disputed border with China in the Himalayas. As the West squares off against Moscow and, increasingly, China, New Delhi stands to gain. Washington has courted India hoping that it will be a strategic counterweight to Beijing. The U.S. has moved to deepen defense ties even as New Delhi makes large purchases of Russian oil at discounted prices, providing financial support for Moscow as it wages war in Ukraine. Modi—who gives many speeches but fewer news conferences and interviews—spoke with The Wall Street Journal about India’s foreign policy, its efforts to build a more modern and sustainable economy and a range of other topics in a nearly hourlong interview in his office at his sprawling official residence in the heart of New Delhi. Overall, Modi’s message was that—from India’s role in global politics to its contributions to the world economy—the country’s time has come. He sought to portray New Delhi as the natural leader of the global South, in sync with and able to give voice to developing countries’ long-neglected aspirations. “India deserves a much higher, deeper and wider profile and a role,” said Modi, wearing a yellow kurta and light-brown jacket. Peacocks squawked in the garden outside. The 72-year-old leader called for changes to the United Nations and other international organizations to adapt them for an increasingly multipolar world order and to make them more broadly representative of the world’s less-affluent nations and their priorities, from the consequences of climate change to debt reduction. Unlike the vision of nonalignment advanced by Indian leader Jawaharlal Nehru in the early years of the Cold War, Modi’s foreign policy is one of multiple alignments, seeking to advance India’s interests in partnership with a range of global powers, including those in conflict with each other. Modi is one of India’s most popular prime ministers. He and his Bharatiya Janata Party won nationwide elections in 2014 and 2019 by comfortable margins. With national elections due next year, Modi’s approval rating is high. Political opponents and human-rights advocates have accused Modi’s party, which has roots in Hindu nationalism, of fostering religious polarization and democratic backsliding, pointing to issues such as restrictions on the press and removal of the special status of Indian-administered Kashmir to more closely integrate the Muslim-majority region into the country. Modi said that India not only tolerates but celebrates its diversity. “For thousands of years, India has been the land where people of all faiths and beliefs have found the freedom to coexist peacefully and prosper,” he said in a statement. “You will find people of every faith in the world living in harmony in India.” On the economic front, Modi has won praise for eliminating bureaucracy, relaxing rules and opening the way for more foreign direct investment. The country has surpassed China as the world’s most populous. What’s more, its population is young, promising a significant demographic dividend. The government has invested enormously in education and infrastructure, and it is poised to gain as multinationals look to diversify manufacturing and supply chains in an era of geopolitical tension. A new Apple store drew a crowd in Mumbai in April as the company expanded its investment in India. PHOTO: DHIRAJ SINGH/BLOOMBERG NEWS Apple is among the companies making significant new investments in southern India, with supplier Foxconn Technology Group planning new facilities in the states of Karnataka and Telangana and expanding iPhone production in the state of Tamil Nadu. “Let me be clear that we do not see India as supplanting any country. We see this process as India gaining its rightful position in the world,” Modi said. “The world today is more interconnected and interdependent than ever before. To create resilience, there should be more diversification in supply chains.” One thing India and the U.S. share are relationships with China that have grown increasingly fraught in recent years, marked by deepening military and economic rivalries. For India, that challenge is at its doorstep, with rising tensions centering around its decadeslong dispute with Beijing over the 2,000-mile border separating the two countries, known as the Line of Actual Control. The countries have been building infrastructure and deploying more troops in the region since a deadly 2020 clash in the Himalayas. Indian officials have blamed China for violating border agreements, and the two countries have held 18 rounds of military talks since 2020 aimed at preventing the dispute from spiraling into wider conflict. “For normal bilateral ties with China, peace and tranquility in the border areas is essential,” Modi said. “We have a core belief in respecting sovereignty and territorial integrity, observing the rule of law and peaceful resolution of differences and disputes. At the same time, India is fully prepared and committed to protect its sovereignty and dignity.” China’s Defense Ministry didn’t respond to a request for comment sent via the State Council Information Office. In drawing closer to Washington, the Indian government has had to overcome deep skepticism about the U.S. that dates back to the Cold War, when New Delhi became more closely aligned with Moscow after Washington declined to supply arms to India in 1965. The U.S. instead became a military backer

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India, smart power in the making!

G-2 – US and India – super power grouping may not work for either side. Emerging and critical tech at fulcrum of bilateral engagement K.A.Badarinath The very talk of stitching up G-2 super power group between US and India during Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s state visit is rather an unforgettable moment. In a fluid global situation, whether G-2 would finally be reality or not is something for geo-strategic experts to analyse, separate grain from chaff and derive the implications. US press has been abuzz with possibility of President Joe Biden ably assisted by secretary of state Jake Sullivan to bring focus to the idea of G-2 – US and India – forming a super power group. This is akin to what was talked about in early ‘80s by the US security establishment that attempted such a grand grouping with the then reluctant and recalcitrant China. Later, there were reports that President Barack Obama had revived this G-2 grouping with China when Hu Jintao was the powerful general secretary of Chinese Communist Party and country’s President. This grand idea of US – China group gained popularity after two major think tanks, Center for Strategic and International Studies and the Peterson Institute for International Economics had revived the conversation in 2011. Pomp and show that surrounds Prime Minister Modi’s visit as globally most popular leader, forming a G-2 – US and India – is something that needs deeper understanding and analysis. US, world’s largest economic power and strategic powerhouse thinking of India as a G-2 ally is elating. Jack Sullivan is reported to be harbinger of this idea, if at all it works for both sides. As G-2, identifying common rivals, partners and competitors, may not after all be a good idea for both US and India in an ever evolving world order. From US perspective, depending heavily on its allies like Japan, Australia and India to checkmate China in Asia theatre and elsewhere including Asia Pacific is a calculative move. At the same time, complete breakdown of relations between China and US is not a feasible preposition. In fact, this complex security matrix explains why democratic white house under President Joe Biden is interfacing with all the three – Japan, India and China – this week to finalize its Asia strategy. US being a great ‘strategic ally’, the first to go to, may continue to work for India. That does not allow Indian foreign affairs establishment under Subrahmanyam Jaishankar to shed the ‘independent policy’ stance that has come to smart focus in recent past. India’s independent policy stance gained credence for New Delhi’s stand on Russia – Ukraine conflict, Covid-19 management, multi-faceted engagement as G-20 President. Not becoming part of a military alliance has been stated policy of India and there’s little or no scope for a change in this stance. It’s in this backdrop that India not joining NATO forces should be viewed notwithstanding the standing invitation from US. In the Russia – European Union standoff, India refused to side with one group or the other unlike China and US taking respective sides. As G-20 President, batting for African Union’s full membership speaks volumes. At the same time, engaging with Shanghai Cooperation Organization and Quad with equanimity brought was recognized by world powers as a responsible way for the 1.4 billion strong India as the largest growing economy for two consecutive years and hat trick to be hit. In this backdrop, emerging and critical technologies, removing export controls on transfer of this knowhow by US to its most trusted partner India could be the starting point to taking bilateral relations one notch above. Artificial intelligence, quantum computing, space, semi-conductors, dedicated telecom infrastructure for strategic heft, biotechnology, aerospace are among areas where export controls may have to be lifted and shared with India. For instance, buying ‘predator’ drones to enhance surveillance and ‘jet engines’ must make technology transfer integral to the two governments level defence deal. Refurbishing and servicing the US Naval ships in India should become more of a common practice rather than one off events. Areas like education, affordable healthcare, vaccines, medicines; solar energy and green hydrogen as well as joint defence production deals can be the next big step for the two large democracies that are open, flexible and transparent in their relations. Independence in foreign policy engagement at bilateral level and multi-lateral issues is something that India takes pride in. And, this independence in policy will have to be assiduously protected, cherished and propagated for India to play a larger, responsible and compassionate power to reckon with. Smartness with soft power image of India goes well to realize her dreams of ‘Vasudaiva Kutumbakam’, world as ‘one big happy family’ that’s humane. (Author is Director and Chief Executive, Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies, non-partisan think tank based in New Delhi)

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Was education in India limited to high caste Hindus?

A lie was propagated as part of larger perception peddling by British imperialists to destroy indigenous systems that flourished across Dr Aniruddh Subhedar Indian history has been a subject of scholarly debates periodically. General perception prevalent was that education in pre-British colonial era being limited and exclusive to upper caste Hindus. People from lower castes didn’t have any access to education hence widely remained illiterate. Several historians argued that upper caste Hindus (read Brahmins) had exclusive access to religious texts and custodians of these Dharmic books. Power of narratives may have led to this widely accepted perception that was evolved and spread about ancient India and its culture. An objective and closer consideration of contemporary sources reveals a diametrically opposite picture. After having established their rule in various parts of India, British colonial masters felt the need to portray their rule as a blessing in disguise for Indians who were ‘uncultured and superstitious’ mass of people. We see this sentiment in Rudyard Kipling’s phrase, “white man’s burden” that was to civilise the native races. Thus, everything pre-colonial, India’s Dharmic ways, religion & faith, culture and education system was discredited, demonized and then justified its demolition. But, the contemporary data from beginning of 19th century has a different story to tell. When the British began colonizing India, the imperialists made effort to study the land and its people. They studied and translated old Indian texts, surveys were done to understand and rule Indians better. These surveys and reports have become an important contemporary source to understand different aspects of the Indian society in 18th and 19th century. Study on education system in India was a consequence of the debate in the House of Commons in 1813. The survey of Madras Presidency was conducted from 1820 to 1830. There was a semi-official survey in Bengal Presidency by W. Adam and an unofficial survey by G.W. Leitner during1882 in Punjab. In these surveys, a comparative analysis was done on status of education in that region before 1850 to that after 1882. Madras Presidency survey was the most exhaustive and detailed one. It covered points like number of schools, students and teachers, their castes, curriculum of the school, etc. Many scholars have studied further on the surveys and consequent analyses based on these and other, documents. Shri Dharampal’s book ‘The Beautiful Tree’ was most comprehensive as it brought together data from various published and unpublished contemporary sources. It has become a practice in India that whatever is written in ancient times in our traditional itihas (History) is dismissed as unauthentic with little credibility if it doesn’t fit the narrative. But the survey reports conducted by the British and statements of various British officials couldn’t be discredited based on pre-colonial History documents. Data from Madras Presidency Presidency of Madras constituted Odiya, Tamil, Telugu, Malayalam and Kannada speaking areas. The surveys were thorough and covered all 21 districts of the Presidency. Contrary to common belief, indigenous schools not only had students that were not upper castes Hindus, but those from lower castes or “Shudras” were sometimes higher. For instance, in Odiya district of Ganjam, 808 students were Brahmins, 243 Vysees (Vaishyas or traders caste) and highest were Shudra students at1001 while those from other castes numbered at 888. These were Avarnas or their caste status was unknown and hence not regarded as “upper caste” Hindus per se. In Malabar, upper caste students were 20 per cent while students bracketed as Shudras were 54 per cent. In Bellary, upper caste Brahmin and Vaishya students were 33 per cent whereas Shudras were 63 per cent. In Ganjam, upper caste students were around 35.6 per cent whereas Shudras and other caste students were 63.5 per cent. Only inTelugu speaking districts of Vishakhapatnam and Cuddapah, Shudra students were much lower than that of Brahmin and Vaishya students. It still was above 41 per cent. Shudra students in schools had normal and regular practice. In this context, observation of Cuddapah’s Collector that the age of admission for Brahmin boys was usually five to six years and that for Shudra boys was six to eight years.  Some district reports gave details of books used in the curriculum. For instance, in Bellary district most commonly used were Ramayan, Mahabharat and Bhagavat. Ancient works of grammar like Nighantoo were also taught. Schools of Rajahmundry and Bellary had spiritual texts like Bal Ramayan, Rukmini Kalyanam, Gajendra Moksha, etc. in the curriculum. Panchtantra and Vetalpanchavimshati (Betal Pachhisi), the famous books to teach statecraft and political knowledge to the kids, were also in these schools. An interesting point mentioned in the Bellary report is that students of manufacturing classes were also taught Vishwakarma Puran. Vishwakarma is the deity of craftsmanship and architecture. Even today many engineering colleges in India celebrate Vishwakarma Jayanti. If we look at data of various districts, almost everywhere the number of Shudra caste students was higher than upper caste ones. In the district of Tinnevelly (Tirunelveli), Brahmin students were 1921 in number, whereas Shudra and ‘other caste’ students were 2708 and 3003 respectively. In Seringapatanam, Brahmin and Vaishya students were 38 and 20 respectively and that of Shudra and ‘other castes’ were 101 and 62 respectively. Out of 101 Shudra students, eight were females. In Coimbatore province, in districts like Polachy, Sattimungalum, Andoor, Eroad, Kongayund, Caroor, etc Brahmin students was 918, Vaishyas – 289, Shudras dominated at 6461 (including 82 female students) and other caste students were 226. This was the pattern in other districts like Madura, Dindigul, Shivganga, Tanjore, Kumbhakonam also. Everywhere the highest number of students was from Shudra caste and small number of female students also belonged to Shudra caste only. In Nellore and Masulipatam, we found Brahmin students exceeding that of Shudra students. Here, it was more of an exception and here also Shudra students were substantial. These numbers clearly prove that most people irrespective of caste had access to elementary and school level every caste and class had access to the education and schools. The facts revealed by

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Is China’s paradigm on ‘mutual success’ real?

Beijing has to come clean on larger issues, shift in outlook welcome. India never lost its ‘eastern wisdom’ while engaging with Western partners. Rohan Giri In an editorial, Chinese Communist Party’s mouthpiece, Global Times on May 30 indicated a possible shift in its India outlook. For a change, it captioned the edit, “We morally, emotionally support India’s de-colonization”. This comment on inauguration of a new Parliament building getting rid of the British colonial re definitely reflects Chinese establishment’s intent to go a wee bit soft on India. It has also garnered the attention of leaders across the globe. This change of heart, if it bears out in reality, cannot be ignored. Pleasing gestures like this editorial as exhibited by China present an intriguing subject for examination. As per reports from Chinese embassy and consulates, over 60,000 visas have been issued to Indians visiting China in first five months of this year. Furthermore, Chinese missions globally have affirmed their readiness to grant more visas for purposes such as business, studies, tourism, work, and family reunions, should the need arise. Global Times editorial last week emphasized India’s commitment to de-colonization and self-reliance. It applauded India’s efforts to remove vestiges of colonial authority, such as renaming iconic buildings and limiting English usage. The article advised India to focus on its national strengths rather than seeking legitimacy through techniques and accolades from outside sources. Rational interpretation to ‘outside sources’ would be India’s multi-nodal foreign policy engagement with western powers. While congratulatory editorial in Global Times is in order, its caution against Western manipulation is old communist line seeking exclusive engagement with India. Global Times asking India to embrace the Eastern Wisdom is possibly a benign attempt to wean India away into its fold. Its emphasis on ‘mutual success’ of China and India is yet another line that many in India’s Left and centrist political discourse also subscribe to. The editorial does not mince words while warning India to stay away from US with the standard communist dogma that US was fueling enemity between India and China. In this context, there are big questions that Chinese communist leadership will have to come up with plausible and convincing answers. President Xi Jingping and his cronies may have to come straight on Galvan border mis-adventurism that led to troop’s deployment on either side of Indo-Chinese borders. China will have to offer an explanation on its collaboration with Pakistan on terrorism in the United Nations (UN) and mutual prosperity pitch with India which may not go hand in hand. Continued expansionist bids in Eastern Ladakh and Arunachal Pradesh, opposition to G20 conferences in Indian state Arunachal Pradesh, Jammu and Kashmir, providing Chinese names to Indian cities and towns is something that China will have to justify.  Can this be the template for China’s Paradigm of mutual success? Tsinghua University’s Center for International Security and Strategy in 2022 report on “Chinese Outlook on International Security” has toed a different line on India. The study has bracketed India on par with US vis-à-vis threat posed to Chinese interests.  India’s threat to China has also been compared what was perceived in Japan vis-à-vis China even today. China has come up openly on its stand towards India rather than sending out mixed signals that confuse its communist cadres and their counterparts in India.   Global Times editorial also said, “In Chinese society, few people believe that India’s economic and social development will become a threat to China. The vast majority of people believe that the two countries can succeed together. We hope India can demonstrate more clarity and confidence in its dealings with China and the West.” In last three years, India’s position on Chinese threat perception has been consistent. It has in no uncertain terms said on more than one occasion that threat from China has risen multifold. Global Times editorial exhorting India to stay away from Western manipulations has come ahead of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to Washington DC for a state visit later this month. China’s expectation that should not protect its defensive and offensive interests is rather unrealistic. India’s right to pursue an independent foreign and economic policy formulation, choice of friends in sync with its view seeking global peace needs to be respected. (author is operations manager at non-partisan think tank, Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies based in New Delhi)

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Akhand Bharat is underlying reality in the mural

Indo-Nepalese linkages have depth to handle contentious border issues, illicit drug deals, jihadist madrasas springing up big time! Vinod Kumar Shukla Traces of Indian culture and civilization go beyond Afghanistan in the west and Indonesia in South East Asia. More facts and revelations have been collated over time due to concerted research about length, breadth and its longevity. But myopic Indian media has the tendency of making an issue out of nothing and question anything and everything that glorifies Indian civilization. It’s all done not to scrutinize facts but put Indian government in the dock. Interestingly enough, self-proclaimed holier than thou Indian media failed to see Sengol as being integral to India’s millennium old cultural voyage and its handing over to Jawahar Lal Nehru in 1947 was termed fake history. Select Indian and global media outlets get divine and display false intellect in interpreting 2300-year-old depiction in a mural that’s part of the newly opened Parliament. This has given enough cannon fodder to China and Pakistan. India’s External Affairs Ministry spokesperson Arindam Bagchi was straight when he described the mural as an artwork that depicted the spread of Ashokan Empire. Bagchi took the position, “The mural in question depicts the spread of Ashokan Empire and the idea of responsible and people-oriented governance that he [Ashoka] adopted and propagated.” Bagchi rejected conjectures that the issue figured in bilateral talks between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his Nepalese counterpart Pushpa Kamal Dahal popularly known as ‘Prachanda’ who was on a bilateral visit to New Delhi last week. But, India’s western and northern neighbours seized upon the opportunity to make mountain out of a molehill. Nepal’s opposition parties, some of them aligned with Chinese think tanks and Chinese Communist Party made every effort to cause mayhem on phone screens, social media handles and hijack the conversation away from Indo-Nepal issues. Apparent objections were on depiction of Lumbini, Uttarapath, Purushpur and Taxila on the mural in question as part of India’s Akhand Bharat plan. Social media was flooded with messages that opposition leaders asked the visiting Prime Minister ‘Prachanda’ to take up the issue with India to get the mural removed from Parliament. But, India insisted that the issue did not figure in bilateral discussion. Big question however remains. Is it not true that India and Pakistan were part of Indus (Sindhu) Water Treaty depicted in the mural reflecting India’s civilizational identity as Bharat? Can Indian forget Takshshila where Vishnugupta (Chanakya) was a teacher and assisted Chandragupta, Ashoka’s grandfather in uniting India? Lumbini where Gautam Buddha was born is Sakya Muni for many in India emphasising his Sakya lineage. And, this region formed one of the ten republics of [Akhand] Bharat during sixth century BC. No political boundary whatsoever was strong enough to restrict Akhand Bharat that had unique lifestyle and behaviour of every civilizational Indian. Reference to Uttarapath is as old as Panini’s Ashtadhyayi where he listed the kingdoms along ‘Uttarapathenahritam’. Pakistan can ignore these facts and consider its history to have begun with 1947 and remain in denial mode for cultural links with India. Pakistan’s tilt towards Arabic nations may not help as the latter view Islamabad with deep disdain. On the parallel, handful of Nepalese leaders denying this cultural unity is not only strange but unfortunate as its cultural connects with India is inseparable and alienated. When Indian Prime Minister Modi visited Lumbini on May 16 last year on birth anniversary of Mahatma Buddha, he inaugurated Kushinagar International Airport. It was meant to bring to focus cultural integration.  Kushinagar airport would help tourists and pilgrims to get easy access to Lumbini contrary to misinformation campaign that India is on some imaginary expansionist mission. Lumbini and Kushinagar are the places where Mahatma Budhdha took birth and died respectively. Further, four-lane Ram Janaki path is being built from Ayodhya to Janakpur. A Buddhist circuit is drawn connecting Gaya, Sarnath, Kushinagar and Lumbini. Modi’s Lok Sabha constituency Varanasi has been an important seat of pilgrimage for Lord Shiva’s devotees. Also,  Kashi has been the seat of learning and place of worship for successive Prime Ministers and Nepal’s royals. They were also associated with Guru Gorakhnath in Gorakhpur bordering Nepal. Ram Van Gaman Path Marg too has Nepal and Sri Lankan linkages while Krishna corridor would connect many cities. Cultural connect transcends political boundaries as former Maoist Guerrilla Prachanda appears to have overcome the dichotomy of his faith and political ideology when he performed Rudrabhishek at Mahakaleshwar Temple in Ujjain. He gifted loads of Rudraksha beads to the temple. What binds India and Nepal is their Hindu identity, so each other’s security concerns are of paramount importance. Therefore, National Security Advisor Ajit Doval’s meeting with the Nepalese Prime Minister was certainly not a courtesy call. Issues like mushrooming Madarsas along Indo-Nepalese border, contraband trade, outlaws committing crime and escaping into Nepal apart from ISI operatives making a foothold on Nepalese soil have reportedly figured in the discussions. There is no denying that border issues continue to be in contention especially Kalapani, Lipulekh and Limpiyadhura areas that Nepal claims to be part of its territory. Both sides seem to agree that there’s enough depth in their relationships to handle these issues. But, one cannot ignore the Chinese Communist Party’s continued needling in Indo-Nepalese affairs. After mishandling1989 blockade aggravated minor differences between the two countries into distrust, China played an iniquitous role. Further, comprehensive Peace Accord in 2006 leading to end of monarchy and general elections, the Constituent Assembly declared Nepal a Federal Democratic Republic that had Chinese footprint all over. On the other hand, what went wrong for India was the erstwhile Manmohan Singh government outsourcing its Nepal policy to Communist Party of India – Marxist that had its allegiance to China. Whenever India and Nepal attempted at ironing out differences, China worked at torpedoing plans to expand its influence in South Asia. Fanning Pahadi versus Madheshi divide in Nepal was its favourite game plan. China supplied oil and arms during 1988-89 to disturb the delicate

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Much ado about something

Digital India bill should democratize information highways, digital ecosystem, address stakeholders concerns & not limit benefits to a big few Prachi Mishra In a few days from now, Narendra Modi government is likely to come up with first draft of the much-awaited Digital India Bill. If one were to go by officials, the bill is intended at strengthening information technology, security and information infrastructure in India. The Bill, when finally adopted by Parliament and enacted, will complement the Digital Personal Data Protection Bill, 2022 and Indian Telecommunication Bill, 2022. In last two decades, after IT Act, 2000 became operative there have been astronomical developments in technological innovation. To keep pace with these innovations, the act’s regulatory framework was amended. The IT Act Amendment of 2008 and IT Rules 2011 were rolled out to define cyberspace and provided ground for handling of digital activities in India. But, the Act was inadequate to address present-day concerns of cyber security, crime and do justice to privacy concerns of Indian people. Emergence of Artificial Intelligence and Machine Learning, Quantum technologies, Metaverse, Big Data, Block chain, etc has thrown up new challenges in the regulatory framework. Given the limitations within the existing IT Act, a separate act has been in the work for a few months to address the growing digital and cyber demands of Indian people. In this backdrop, India’s economic interests can be furthered when the technological development and innovation apart from related regulatory framework is aligned. With growing penetration of digital technologies and increasing vulnerabilities of cyberspace, there is a need to ensure India’s national security was primacy. Reportedly, Digital India Bill, 2023 is intended at catering to India’s rising aspirations and become a catalyst in her growth and development while upholding people’s fundamental rights and country’s security concerns. Given the delicate balance that needs to be achieved through the new framework, the expectations from various stakeholders may have to be enlisted. Firstly, the Bill may have to address ethical concerns that are emerging as a consequence of disruptive technologies. Technological development will have to be seen as being morally correct, legitimate, and ethical. For instance, India should be able to address and counter adverse impact of artificial intelligence like deep fakes and misinformation. The new framework may evolve a robust and holistic mechanism to address issues related to cyber security. In 2022, as per CERT-in data, there were over 1.39 million cyber-attacks on India. This roughly over 253 per cent more than suck attacks reported for 2018. Hence, the Bill should put in mechanisms to resolve high volume and velocity of these cyber-attacks seen across sector, be it finance, banking, security establishment to political theatre.  Also, with highly disruptive Quantum technologies round the corner, the Bill must suggest ways to ensure cyber security in the new environment. The proposed bill may have to find solution to tackle the manifold rise in misinformation, hateful content and fake news that’s become the new normal in India. In last couple of years, big technology firms like Facebook and Twitter have been at loggerheads with the government on dealing with mis-formation on their respective platforms. The Bill will have to reflect a possible consensus of all stakeholders on dealing with misinformation, disinformation and fake news that’s rampant. The bill’s provisions should be aligned with innovation. At present, India’s patent tally is dismal and most technology is imported from the Western countries. Be it hardware or software, India’s patents fall behind big time. The Bill should give impetus and incentivize innovation in digital technologies. Additionally, it should augur well for all the stakeholders of digital ecosystem and not restrict the benefits disproportionately to a handful tech firms. The new dispensation may have to address issues like liability, accountability, and ownership of data and its usage. Of late, there have been cases where social unrest resulted in violence and arson because content guidelines for these platforms were amiss. Or, even the existing norms were violated. The Digital India Bill, 2023 will be discussed at a time when India has moved many notches above in many different fields of technological and digital innovation. Being home to 113 unicorns and third largest start-up economy, India’s innovation ecosystem is booming like never before. Also, with the Semiconductor Mission, the strong impetus on adopting digital technologies, and the National Quantum Mission in place, India is bound to grow steadily in the coming years. Stakeholders expect the bill to empower them, democratize the information high way and digital ecosystem, aid other relevant economic policies. India should ensure that all voices of the entire stakeholder ecosystem are heard and it is enacted in time. (Author is Research Consultant at Centre for Integrated & Holistic Studies, New Delhi based non-partisan think tank)

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