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When A Nation Crushed Its Own People…

A horrific incident in global history unfolded on June 4, 1989, when Deng Xiaoping, leader of Communist Party of China, declared martial law to trample upon students led protests in capital city, Beijing. The 27th and 38th divisions of People’s Liberation Army slaughtered hundreds of innocent citizens, student and youth, brutally carrying out diktats of Communist Oligarchs run party leadership. Rohan Giri June 3, 1989 was the day when Beijing engulfed with fear as Chinese dictatorship turned its weapons and tanks on its own people. Tiananmen Square Massacre is vivid reminder to which the Chinese regime led by Communist Party of China (CPC) went to reinforce its authority. This was more than just a crackdown; it was ruthless invasion of the Chinese people by their own leadership, sending shockwaves globally and haunting generations. The protest was outcome of rising socio-political inequality in China. Economic changes under Deng Xiaoping’s leadership lead to elevated corruption and socio-political inequality. On the other hand, reformist leader Hu Yaobang’s demise led to students’ rallies calling for political reform, government accountability and an end to corruption. As the protests spread, Chinese dictatorship declared martial law, fearing a loss of power and eventually chose to deploy soldiers of People’s Liberation Army to crush the peaceful protesters. The merciless crackdown killed hundreds of people and marked a dark episode in the Communist Party of China’s purported revolutionary efforts, symbolizing the extent to which CPC went to secure its rule and suppress dissent. The massacre had far-reaching consequences, emphasizing constant struggle for human rights and political liberty. How Brutality Began The protests that ended in the massacre began in April 1989, following death of Hu Yaobang, a former Communist Party leader who had been a symbol of reform. Students, intellectuals and labour activists gathered at Tiananmen Square (a city square in Beijing) to mourn Hu and request political and economic reforms including freedom and an end to corruption. Today also, CPC leadership under President Xi Jingping exhibits massive purge in political dissent and challenge to his leadership in the name of campaign against corruption. Same was the case then in1989 when the People’s Liberation Army tanks run over its own people seeking political and economic reforms. In 1989, when number of protestors increased, the authorities became more anxious. On May 20, martial law was imposed, and thousands of troops were sent out in Beijing. By end of May, the administration was set to crush demonstrators. On the evening of June 3, a directive was issued to eradicate demonstrators from the square using all violent and dictatorial means. The bloodshed that occurred was profound. People’s Liberation Army equipped with rifles, bayonets and tanks paraded into the city. The armed forces were instructed to shoot to kill and they did so extensively. The streets surrounding Tiananmen Square became slaughter houses when the army opened fire on defenseless civilians including women, children, and the elderly. Eyewitness stories depict scenes of chaos and slaughter, with victims scattered all over the streets and makeshift blockades flattened by tank treads. Victims’ Account One of the most distressing accounts is that of Wang Nan, 19-year-old student and aspiring journalist. Wang was among the first to be killed, shot in the head by PLA soldiers as he tried to photograph the events unfolding. His father, Wang Fandi, later detailed the suffering of detecting his son’s body amid many others in a hospital mortuary. Wang Nan’s execution represents silence of a generation’s voice and the shattering aspirations for an inclusive society. Another tragic account is of Liu Xiaobo, who was not killed in the massacre but became one of its recognizable victims. Liu, a literary critic and activist, was present at Tiananmen Square during the crackdown. On June 2, he began a four-man, three-day hunger strike. Later known as “Tiananmen Four Gentlemen Hunger Strike,” that gained students faith. Another three gentlemen with Liu were Hou Dejian (well-known songwriter and vocalist), Zhou Tou (Lecturer in sociology at Peking University), and Gao Xin (former editor of the Beijing Normal University Gazette). Liu was taken into custody at Qincheng Prison on June 5 for his involvement in students protest. The Chinese state-backed media published numerous reports calling him a “mad dog” and a “black hand” for allegedly inciting and manipulating student movement to topple the government and socialism. His writings were banned including his fourth book ‘Going Naked Toward God’. He survived and continued to struggle for human rights and democracy in China that led to several imprisonments. Liu received Nobel Peace Prize in 2010. Liu Xiaobo’s struggle and death in prison in 2017 validate the massacre’s lasting consequences for those who dared to speak out. Butchers of Beijing Tiananmen Square Massacre has had a lasting effect on generations. In light of the CPC’s rigorous control over information, younger generations in China may be oblivious to the massacre because the story is banned from textbooks, media and all other public contexts. Control of traditional forms of media such as newspapers, books, television, and radio has always been the norm for CCP from the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976) to Tiananmen massacre. Immediately after massacre of the students, it was renamed as ‘counter-revolutionary rebellion,’ gradually downgraded the massacre to an event and finally skirmish. However, individuals who learn about it, whether through family stories or international media, frequently experience a complicated range of emotions, including anger, despair and a sense of unfairness. Memory of the massacre has played an important part in formation of the post-1989 understanding between rulers and ruled in China. The legacy of Tiananmen Square Massacre highlights importance of historical reminiscence. Efforts to preserve remembrance of the massacre, such as annual vigils in Hong Kong and formation of monuments around the world, serve as a reminder of those who made ultimate sacrifice for their convictions. These measures are critical to confirming that the lessons of Tiananmen are not overlooked. Concluding Observation Tiananmen Square Massacre was a moment when a nation turned against its own people causing unspeakable suffering and leaving

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Bharat Goes Whole Hog in Neighbourhood

Stability, progress and growth is what Bharat seeks to achieve in South Asia through its ‘neighbourhood first’ policy Dr Divya Gupta Post-independence in 1947, Bharat pursued a regional policy based on the principle that neighbours are important to national security and a market that can contribute to India’s economic development. Given the bipolar world order that prevailed during Cold War, Bharat pursued non-alignment based on its stated global role as the third-world leader. India built her policy on the basis of “The Five Principles of Peaceful Co-existence” (Panchsheel) which was first signed on April 28, 1954 between then Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru and his Chinese counterpart Zhou Enlai. Panchsheel covered issues like sovereignty and integrity, territorial integrity, no mutual aggression, non-interference in each other’s internal affairs, equality, mutual benefit and peaceful coexistence. Panchsheel agreement was considered one of the significant bases for building foreign policy with immediate neighbouring countries that India pursued after independence. But, Prime Minister Nehru was particularly interested in building and strengthening international cooperation especially among developing countries. Indian foreign policy during that period had focused more on international relations than neighbourhood relations. After end of Cold War, India made significant adjustments in her foreign policy framework owing to international, regional changes and internal challenges. Over the years, India has gradually come to occupy a significant role on strategic chessboard within the region and the world. A person who thought ahead about close relationship with neighbouring countries was former Prime Minister Inder Kumar Gujral, known for his Gujral doctrine, a policy orienting the relationship between India and its neighbours. Gujral doctrine was a policy that sought friendship based on sovereign equality and non-interference with “non-reciprocal magnanimity” towards smaller countries such as Bangladesh, Nepal, and Sri Lanka. The incumbent Prime Minister Narender Modi has formulated, followed and executed “neighbourhood first policy” in letter and spirit with respect to our immediate neighbours including Afghanistan. Essence of this policy is the desire to effectively contribute to the construction and architecture to establish a stable foundation of peace and cooperation in South Asia in particular and Asia in general as a responsible, stable and large country. Narendra Modi expanded the matrix of his foreign policy framework, took new line showing distinct imprint in his policies. He formulated his foreign policy doctrine (Modi doctrine) and introduced new pillars of India’s foreign policy (Panchamrit) including five pillars: dignity, dialogue, shared prosperity, regional and global security, cultural and civilization linkages aimed at affirming India’s position as a rising power in the world. During high-level discussion at 69th session of United Nations General Assembly in September 2014, Prime Minister Modi said, “The destiny of a country is linked to its neighbourhood. That is why my government has placed the highest priority on advancing friendship and cooperation with neighbours” (Modi 2014). He argued that “neighbours are the number one priority” which is considered a bright spot in India’s foreign policy. India’s ‘Neighbourhood First policy’ guides its approach towards management of relations with countries in its immediate neighbourhood, i.e. Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Maldives, Myanmar, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka. The policy is based on the idea that a stable and prosperous neighbourhood is essential for Bharat’s economic and security interests. The Neighbourhood First Policy is also part of Bharat’s larger vision of becoming a leading power in the region and world. India’s Neighbourhood First policy can also be seen as a manifestation of Modi government’s vision of building ‘Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam (the world as one family). Vaccine diplomacy and development assistance based on mutual respect and equal partnership are two most important pillars to catapult India’s Neighbourhood First policy[i]. Vaccine diplomacy has been seen as pragmatic response to a global pandemic and way to strengthen its image as a responsible leader at both regional and global levels. Noteworthy, Indian diplomacy, particularly during the Covid-19[ii] pandemic, resulted in India being recognised on the world stage as a harbinger of hope providing necessary help to needy nations and their people globally. As part of India’s Neighbourhood First policy, India, through its vaccine diplomacy (Vaccine Maitri)[iii], extended help to many countries of the world and neighbouring countries during the Covid-19 pandemic. Also, and notwithstanding that India was affected very badly, particularly during the second wave, India handled the situation very well to overcome the worst effects of the pandemic relatively, and at the same time, help other countries to address the challenge. Primary beneficiaries of Vaccine Maitri in South Asian region are Bangladesh (Rs 22.5928 million in total supplies in the form of commercial and grant assistance, followed by Nepal (Rs 9.499 million); Sri Lanka (Rs 1.2640 million); Afghanistan (Rs 1.4680 million); Bhutan (Rs 0.55 million) and Maldives (Rs 0.312 million). India committed $10 million to South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) Fund to address the global pandemic. Keeping with the spirit of Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam, India is providing support to Afghanistan and Sri Lanka to address their myriad challenges through its development assistance initiative. Since the Taliban assumed charge in Afghanistan, India supplied wheat and other essential food items and Covid-19 vaccines as humanitarian aid to Afghanistan. In its budget for 2022-23, India allocated Rs 2,000 million as development assistance to Afghanistan. Apart from this India also provides financial assistance to neighbouring countries through Lines of Credit (LoCs), Grant-in-aid, Credit Facility, Currency Swap Facility and others. India has extended four Lines of Credit worth US $ 7.862 billion to Bangladesh under Indian Development and Economic Assistance Scheme (IDEAS). India also supports Bangladesh in several developmental and infrastructure projects across sectors such as roads, highways, railways, ports, power transmission, waste management, economic zones, information and communication technology, solar power generation etc. India has also provided Rs. 45,000 million as development assistance for 12th Five Year Plan (November 2018-October 2023) to Bhutan. India has extended five LoCs totalling to US $ 1.33 billion[iv] to Maldives including assistance to Greater Male Connectivity Project. India has provided budgetary support to Maldives. In September 2020, India offered US $ 250 million in financial assistance to Maldives to mitigate the impact

Geopolitics Leadership

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Changed Foreign Policy Stems from Bharat’s Cohesive Leadership

‘Why Bharat matters’ is a wonderful and compact rendition of the dynamic policy matrix by S. Jaishankar while being in corner office! Dr Amritpal Kaur When the realist External affairs Minister present a clinical picture of the world affairs in a compact book, it should be read with all the care. It’s because the analysis of a career diplomat is palpable and it also gives a sense of the minds that work at the helm, in the control room, assiduously at work of foreign policy making and execution. As the book unfolds, it reveals to the reader nuances of International relations from contemporary Indian vantage point from the actors end to the influencers arena, to general people who more often than not, are at the receiving end. Broadly, the book deals with various stakeholders of Indian Foreign Policy, past and present. It discusses the government’s account of international issues as well as the take of people sitting inside the power corridors or outside it. Sardar Patel, Syama Prasad Mookerjee and Dr. B R Ambedkar’s views on foreign policy issues which were not mainstreamed by the then Government of India are discussed. The point that Jaishankar is driving home in this book and his earlier publication, The India Way is that many problems of today have their roots in yesteryear’s regimes. These issues have over the years become soar points for India, territorial disputes and strategic-tactical missteps taken by Indian dispensation are the glaring examples. Why Sardar Patel or Mookerjee matter today, in part, is because they tried to warn about these mistakes and had the Government taken their suggestions on board, the picture might have been different today. There is also a shift in the approach to International relations within Indian government since the last decade and this shift comes through the book as well Nationalist foreign policy, in place of third world internationalism, open ended multipolar world order with greater role for countries like India. Jaishankar calling out the double standards that dominant powers use for similar situations are some of the examples of this shift. In many ways, Why Bharat Matters is a book that announces to the world that India has arrived, again! It goes beyond the usual standard academic analysis, into the fields of real time variables with direct impact on contours of policy making. For example, how Government of India responded to crises like COVID 19, Ukraine war, Afghanistan crisis are some issues dealt with in the book on a first person account basis. What also contribute to its salience is that Jaishankar has a deep and detailed knowledge about International relations and the games that nations play and it is this knowledge which peeps through the book. As much as it is a written word, it is also a policy statement of Government of India, its approach and stakes in international relations. In that sense, it is not a dated analysis, rather an up-to-date, in-the-moment picture of the events that have happened in the past decade and are transpiring as we write and read. What sets this analysis apart is not just frankness of Jaishankar in offering his perspective on issues, but the cool matter-of-fact assertion of strategic elbow room that India is claiming in foreign relations under mounting pressure from various parties. That India needs to take into account its own unique predicaments and opportunities to accomplish its own national goals are according to Jaishankar its raison d’etat. Though the world is still coming to terms with this changed attitude on the Indian side, but the change itself came about with the cohesive leadership under the present dispensation. Interestingly, for Jaishankar India’s arrival is not a new-kid-on-the-block phenomenon, rather it was coming for a long time. India’s rise in the past decade is the central argument of the book. There are certain fixtures of Indian foreign policy, which has remained constant in the analysis too, that is, centrality of Prime Minister in terms of Foreign Policy making, the neighbourhood policy emanating from Gujral Doctrine and the impact of foreign policy on general public. A chapter dedicated to Prime Minister Modi, his world-view and approach to foreign policy is a telling example of how Prime Ministers keep foreign policy as their own prerogative domain. It can be argued that centrality of Prime Minister in foreign policy formulation emanates from the fact that as the leader of the country, he or she has a direct hand in how the world sees us and how should the world be dealt with. Jaishankar argues in the book that on all occasions, it has been crystal clear vision of Prime Minister Modi that led the way for clearer formulations in foreign policy. That the book declares India’s arrival on the world stage as a fait accompli, not as a third world country, but as a frontline state with increasing stakes in the outcomes of international politics can also be attributed to confidence of leadership in standing up and owning responsibility in precarious situations. The book is a telling story of how the shift in confidence of leadership impacts the policy outcomes and Prime Minister as the prime example of this evolution. Dr. S Jaishankar’s experience as a seasoned Diplomat is palpable in the book he put together. The depth and crux of issues pertaining to India’s international relations are visible in his analysis. In certain ways, his style reminds one of Henry Kissinger, with crisp, assertive language and a punch in the end. However, the problem with the work is that it reads more like a diplomat’s manual than a foreign policy analysis. For an amateur reader, with no background in the foreign policy analysis the book is somewhat difficult to follow due to the insufficient information given. For example, in discussing the Afghan crisis and its outcome for USA, an indepth analysis would have been a more impactful. Issues that the book raises are pertinent in their own right, their salience could be accentuated by additional

Geopolitics Leadership Media Policy Security

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China Spins Jingoistic Narrative

Bharat hits back on Chinese Communist Party’s false claims on Arunachal Pradesh. Global community including US recognize the dragon ploy. Rohan Giri There’s something innate in China that cannot change. It’s in its DNA to encroach on others. As part of its grand plan to usurp others land, properties and expand its hegemony, China and its ruling Communist Party of China (CPC) have tasted success in few areas while they eagerly look at grabbing neighbours’ territories. Tibet is one area where Chinese Communist Party has had large success in altering names of places, assert control on large swaps of land and change, culture, languages and life of ordinary citizens. Through coercion, China constructed certain structures to also advance on its border regions through coercive means. Similar attempts have been made with Bharat’s territories especially Arunachal Pradesh to assert its dominance in the region. Communist Party of China and its life time General Secretary Xi Jingping announced Chinese names to places in and around Arunachal Pradesh. Latest in the Chinese ploy of old and deceitful rhetoric is evidenced by statements made by People’s Liberation Army’s Senior Colonel Zhang Xiaogang, spokesperson for Chinese Defense Ministry. By intention, he claimed that southern region of Xizang, the Chinese nomenclature for Tibet, was integral component of China’s territory. This was obvious reference to Arunachal Pradesh which China thinks is its own territory. Chinese Defense Ministry raked up the bogey on Bharat’s north-eastern state of Arunachal Pradesh after Sela Tunnel was constructed to enhance civic and military connectivity and capabilities in the state. The latest overtures by China expose the Chinese Communist Party ploy to initially seize Tibet and subsequently move in on Arunachal Pradesh. Bharat along with 17 other countries, mostly neighbours, has experienced adverse consequences of persistently making unsubstantiated claims by Chinese Communist Party. Henry McMahon, then foreign secretary of Britain drew an 890-km border between Bharat and Tibet in 1914. Arunachal Pradesh was formerly referred to as North Eastern Frontier Agency before the establishment of the McMahon Line. On one side of McMahon, Tibet existed as an autonomous region while on the other Arunachal Pradesh was an Indian state. Chinese communist party falsely maintains that Tibet is one component of China and refuses to acknowledge this demarcation. China’s aspirations for territorial expansion had begun to gain momentum at this point. The act of manipulating maps to include some regions of Bharat has been observed since ancient times, hence its innate to its nature. Bogus claims of Chinese communists were undermined when Japanese forces launched an invasion of Arunachal Pradesh, north-eastern state of Bharat during Second World War. Additionally, emergence of Chinese expansionism posed an enormous threat to Bharat’s territorial integrity. During that period, the British-led Indian Army provided protection to Tawang of Arunachal Pradesh. Bharat has had consistently maintained a firm stance against China’s claims and Arunachal Pradesh residents have historically rejected China’s expansionist aspirations and unsubstantiated assertions. Latest PLA statements on Arunachal Pradesh have come after Chinese Communist Party misleading names of 11 locations in Arunachal Pradesh. In addition to expressing their outrage, local populace actively engaged in peace marches on the roads, demonstrating their opposition to China. The protesting people were holding placards that read, “We stand by India” and “Arunachal is not part of China.” The posters in their possession had the message, “Don’t we know… How China is oppressing the people of Tibet and is always engaged in looting it? At any cost, we would not like the condition of Arunachal Pradesh to become like that of Tibet…” Individuals hailing from Arunachal Pradesh, holding tricolor flags, asserted that similar demonstration were held when China changed the names of six locations in 2017 and 15 locations in 2021. The misleading names were in the Chinese and Tibetan languages. In 2023, the controversy over stapled visas gained attention as Indian Wushu players were granted such visas by China. New Delhi-based think tank Center for Integrated and Holistic Studies, at that time, had reported that the “Stapled visas incident is seen more as one step further in China’s grand expansionist plan and communist vision to occupy others’ land disregarding international treaties, pacts and ‘gentlemen’ agreements to not change on-the-ground goal posts. Only way to put an end to this psycho-warfare like stapled visas is to firmly retake ‘Aksai Chin’ under its ‘illegal’ occupation since 1950s and held after the 1962 war.” Bharat and its government always said that Arunachal Pradesh was, is, and will remain integral to the country. China’s illegal expansionist strategy extended much beyond Arunachal Pradesh, Tibet, or Nepal. Countries and international communities need to be alert to such machinations and not succumb to mechanisms like debt trap, infrastructure development or other forms of avarice. (Author: Rohan Giri is a journalism graduate from Indian Institute of Mass Communication (IIMC) New Delhi, and Manager Operations at CIHS.)

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Maldivian turn in the Tide: India’s safety net to China’s debt web

Shift in island nation’s strategic relations to curry favour with Chinese Communist Party bosses is fraught with danger of instability Rahul Pawa Maldives that has historically been a significant beneficiary of Bharat’s Neighbourhood First policy and a proximate maritime neighbour in the Indian Ocean Region, is re-positioning itself from the perspective of defense and security ties with Bharat. This reassessment is direct consequence of actions taken by newly anointed Maldivian President Mohamed Muizzu, who rose to power advocating an ‘India Out’ campaign. Influenced by the pro-Chinese Communist Party (CCP) stance of former President Abdulla Yameen, President Muizzu has made a decisive move away from the cooperative relationship his predecessor, Ibrahim Mohamed Solih, maintained with Bharat. This shift became particularly evident with a statement issued on November 18, in which President Muizzu’s office formally requested withdrawal of Indian military personnel from Maldives. This request, signifying a departure from longstanding military cooperation between the two nations was earlier presented during a meeting with India’s Earth Sciences Minister Kiren Rijiju, who was in attendance at Muizzu’s swearing-in ceremony. Escalating the situation further, Maldives is now scrutinizing over 100 agreements signed with India during Solih’s tenure, covering areas of defense and security. Mohamed Firuzul Abdul Khaleel, the undersecretary for Public Policy in Presidential Office, disclosed the stationing of 77 Bharatiya military personnel in Maldives, spanning various military assets covered this scrutiny. This reevaluation of ties and November 18 announcement underscore a significant geopolitical shift in the region, marking a potential realignment of Maldives’ foreign policy away from Bharat and marks a tilt towards China. Maldives’ strategic pivot towards China, away from its traditional alignment with Bharat, brings a multitude of vulnerabilities and challenges for the island nation as well. This shift not only strengthens China’s influence in a region historically under Indian sway but also risks exposing the Maldives to economic and political instability. The alignment with China poses significant risk of ensnaring Maldives in a debt trap, akin to Sri Lanka as in the case of Hambantota Port and other infrastructure projects. Considering the Maldivian economy’s heavy reliance on tourism, financial burden of Chinese investments could be unsustainable. Moreover, this shift in foreign policy may lead to internal political strife. Opposition to the ‘China-triggered’ policies and concerns over national sovereignty could ignite domestic unrest, potentially resulting in a divided and unstable political landscape. On international front, moving away from India might strain the Maldives’ relationships with other regional powers and Western allies, who view China’s expanding influence with apprehension. This could lead to lesser foreign aid and support from these nations. The strategic shift under influence of Chinese Communist Party (CCP) represents significant departure from Maldives’ historical relationship with India, a partnership that has been a bedrock of stability and support, instrumental in the nation’s development and security. India’s role has been particularly pivotal during times of crisis, such as the 1988 coup attempt, 2014 water crisis and 2004 tsunami, offering a balance of economic assistance, defense cooperation, and diplomatic support. However, the new trajectory in favour of China opens Maldives to a host of risks that could have far-reaching consequences for its stability and wellbeing. Possible economic dependency on China, with looming threat of a debt trap, poses a significant danger to the Maldivian economy. This shift might not only leads to internal political instability but also exacerbate the nation’s environmental challenges. Maldives, already grappling with adverse impact of climate change and rising sea levels, may face further environmental degradation due to large-scale Chinese construction projects. In essence, moving away from India could isolate the Maldives from a historically reliable and benevolent partner, steering it away from the sources of strength and stability that have been crucial for its growth and prosperity. As President Muizzu seeks to establish new geopolitical alignments, the Maldives navigates towards a precarious future. The allure of Chinese economic support, while tempting, carries substantial risks, including the potential loss of traditional allies and internal political turmoil. This strategic pivot could leave the Maldives in a vulnerable position, both economically and geopolitically, with limited room to manoeuvre in an increasingly complex and competitive international arena. The future, as it unfolds, is fraught with uncertainty and potential instability for the Maldives as it navigates these significant geopolitical shifts. (Author is Director – research at New Delhi based non-partisan think tank, Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies)

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Chinese Puppetry on Show!

Probing charges of money laundering, peddling of Chinese propaganda by NewsClick is not suppression of press freedom K.A.Badarinath Noise on suppression of press freedom and free speech has not yet reached a crescendo. This noise has just begun in India with Left parties, their frontal organizations and anti-Modi political alliance partners going for the kill. Few activists from these political formations hit the streets on Wednesday protesting a probe against alleged China funded portal ‘NewsClick’ that reportedly laundered money to bankroll the dragon’s ‘propaganda’ vehicle. Portal’s founder Prabir Purkayastha and his human resources head were rounded up by special operations unit of Delhi Police after having questioned over a dozen journalists, consultants and later seized their devices for further investigation. Big question therefore is why all the noise on purported suppression of press freedom in India? Well, this is not the first time that such false narrative was peddled or reported in domestic and foreign media outlets in last ten-odd years. Two big charges against ‘NewsClick’ and its front-enders is that the organization worked as ‘propaganda vehicle’ for China. And, second serious charge is that foreign funds were routed through a millionaire businessman Neville Roy Singham to take forward nefarious Chinese Communist Party agenda in India. Well, only an in-depth investigation will bring out the facts and stick out separated from the organized noise of fringe Left parties that claim to protect, cherish and embellish Mao’s jinxed political thought. Firstly, is it a crime to investigate possible wrong doing by anyone concerned with ‘NewsClick’? The probe was launched by Delhi Police, Enforcement Directorate and other agencies only after having filed a detailed first information report against the accused on August 17 taking cognizance of ‘Chinese Propaganda machine’ related reports that appeared in The New York Times. These very political formations and self-styled proponents of ‘free press’ that hit the streets have had sworn by NYT on more than one occasion to hit out at the Modi government. Now, what’s wrong in investigating ‘NewsClick’ based on newspaper reports and Enforcement Directorate’s own research? The New York Times had pointed to a global web of Chinese propaganda that involved American non-profits which stretched from Chicago to Shanghai. This web as per NYT had NewsClick as an active participant. Now, why can’t the law enforcement agencies do their job of enforcing probity in public life, negate possible China propaganda campaign and stem laundering of foreign funds that made their way into ‘NewsClick’ during 2018 – 21 and used ‘against the Indian state’? Does this tantamount to suppressing press freedom? Or, is initiation of an inquiry anti-democratic by any stretch of imagination? It’s rather surprising that newspapers like ‘The Hindu’ and ‘Indian Express’ that were at forefront of investigating Bofors scam in early ‘80s and ‘90s editorialized the police action on ‘NewsClick’ as smacking of supressing press freedom. And, it is rather laughable. Crackdown against suspected crime by elements inimical to Bharat’s interests or exposing ‘NewsClick’ handlers in US and China cannot be equated with Smt Indira Gandhi’s decision to suspend basic citizens’ rights, impose internal emergency and curb press freedom in 1975 after an adversarial verdict of Allahabad High Court. Wouldn’t Ramnath Goenka, founder of Indian Express and Kasturi Ranga Iyengar of ‘The Hindu’ turn in their graves at the suggestion of curbing press freedom for investigating against ‘NewsClick’ management and their handlers? As in case of any individual or organization, don’t journalists have basic responsibility to submit before law enforcement agencies seeking to get at the truth? Making hue and cry of a probe may not drown the truth about irregularities at ‘NewsClick’. At best, NewsClick is a scrappy outlet that used invectives and propaganda to try and corner Narendra Modi government. And, it gained prominence only after The New York Times investigation linked it to a network that funded pro-China campaigns. Similar noise and public outrage was on show after BBC India operations were scrutinized for violation of Indian taxation laws. Tax sleuths assessment forced BBC to admit that it had under-reported revenues, profits and thereby evaded taxes. Reuters, The Hindustan Times and The Mint newspapers reported that BBC under-reported incomes worth Rs 40 crore to evade taxes. Well, income tax assessment of UK government funded BBC accounts was blown out of proportion and several of these very propagandists had jumped in to cite suppression of press freedom. There was no plausible explanation on how enforcement of domestic tax laws was same as suppression of press freedom. In the first place, big question was how did a foreign government funded media organization gather courage to evade taxes? Certainly, India is neither a banana republic nor subservient outpost of the erstwhile British imperialist rulers. When news laundry, yet another website were surveyed by Income Tax officials in 2021, similar charges of ‘intimidation and press freedom’ were heaped against the law enforcement agencies. Rule of law is what matters. Whether it is Bharat Samachaar or Dainik Bhaskar, media organizations need to be upfront given their distinct responsibility to readers, people that go by what appears in the media and the country. If thousands of websites, newspapers, TV Channels, social media handles owned by Indians, domestic corporates and foreign collaborations have been freely undertaking news operations, then where’s this suppression of press freedom? Seeking accountability is not equivalent to suppression of press freedom and rights. Newspapers, magazines and other media outlets in India like elsewhere have taken an independent editorial line in sync with their beliefs, understanding and assessment of a government, its policies and political ideologies. Editorial positioning of a media organization is distinctly different from resorting to irregularities, wrong doing, anti-India propaganda or joining flanks with the enemy. Let’s not equate press freedom with irregularities and anti-India tacit operations. Freedom comes with responsibility. (Author is Director& Chief Executive of New Delhi based non-partisan think tank, Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies)

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Maldivian Mirage, China Political Tightrope!

Maldives stands at a crucial juncture with President-elect Muizzu’s apparent tilt towards China signalling potential tectonic shift in regional alignments. While the allure of Chinese investments is evident, past patterns suggest that such engagements often come with strings attached, risking economic independence with potential threats to sovereignty. The historical bond with India rooted in mutual respect and shared interests, has ensured stability and growth for the Maldives. As the Maldives navigates its diplomatic path, it’s imperative to recognise the long-term implications of these choices. Over-reliance on China, given its track record, might provide short-term gains but could lead to long-term vulnerabilities, threatening Maldives autonomy, regional harmony and its historically enriched and etched relationship with India.

Economy Geopolitics Policy Security

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Indian elephant outpaces Chinese Dragon

Beijing’s ambivalence came to fore at BRICS and engagement with New Delhi while India showed promise, responsibility and capacity to lead Rahul Pawa In this reshaping of the BRICS landscape, India has assertively stamped its diplomatic and strategic acumen under Prime Minister Modi, outpacing the Chinese dragon with the calculated grace of an elephant—focused, powerful, and increasingly influential. In the years since its inception over a decade ago, BRICS — Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa — has matured as an influential conglomeration for majority world. Engaging in dynamic interactions with the developed world, this ensemble stands on the cusp of potentially challenging G7’s dominance in global affairs. Yet, the trajectory it charts—be it one of constructive collaboration or divisive contention—will hinge heavily on the vision the forum holds. As Asian heavyweights, India and China have to jostle to sway BRICS their way as their strategic contest will shape 21st-century geopolitics. BRIC birthed on sidelines of the 2006 UN General Assembly as a grouping of large developing countries. Goldman Sachs economist Jim O’Neill has been credited for evolving the acronym in 2001 that captures zeitgeist of an era smitten with emerging markets. Those days, Brazil, Russia, India, and China were seen as newest frontiers of investment. By 2011, with South Africa coming on board, the acronym matured to BRICS. Today, the group no longer represents mere buoyant markets. It symbolises a collective intent to recalibrate the equitable global order historically skewed towards Western hegemony. Yet, for all its promise, BRICS stands at an inflection point. Skeptics question its cohesion, pointing to underlying rifts among member nations and ambiguity on its very purpose and membership. Yet, BRICS believes in the adage ‘strength in numbers’ as it quests towards a multipolar world order where developing countries have more influence, in line with their contributions to the global economy. Even as BRICS nations represent an overwhelming 41 per cent of world’s population, the bloc accounts for 31.5 per cent of global GDP, eclipsing the G7’s 30.4 per cent. It also commands a combined economic output valued at an astonishing $ 26 trillion, around 60 per cent of what the seven most industrialized nations generate. The staggering figures notwithstanding, a glaring inconsistency exists: the bloc’s modest voting power in the International Monetary Fund and limited decision-making in World Bank. It does not commensurate with the global influence BRICS commandes. Such disjunction magnifies a substantial source of apprehension among developing nations that have for long been seeking corrective measures to democratize these international financial and governing institutions. More than 40 heads of state gathered for the Johannesburg summit and the event marked a significant pivot in global affairs. Hosted by South Africa, the year’s rotating president following China, the theme—”BRICS and Africa: Partnership for Accelerated Growth and Inclusive Multilateralism”—spoke volumes. Notably, South African President Cyril Ramaphosa revealed that the forum had drawn intense global interest, with numerous nations seeking membership. However, amidst this diplomatic panorama, the magnetism of two Juggernauts stood out: India’s Prime Minister Modi and China’s President Xi, whose talks generated media frenzy. Correspondingly, the two leaders did have an “informal conversation” at the leaders lounge in backdrop of a pending request from the Chinese side for a bilateral meeting with India. India – China relations are etched in history of mutual reservations. Recently, tensions flared anew between the two Asian giants in 2020 when China ramped up its aggression along the Line of Actual Control (LAC), a move met with formidable resistance by India. The saga of China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) traversing through Pakistan occupied Indian regions of Gilgit-Baltistan and Jammu and Kashmir further complicates matters. These areas, occupied by Pakistan, are consistently contested by India as it persistently voices its objections on the International forums against the corridor. But Beijing’s ambitions don’t stop at terrestrial borders. It aims to shape the BRICS bloc – as a cornerstone of its own global strategy. From pushing the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), China seeks to recalibrate the world’s economic compass. On the contrary, steering clear of China’s political choreography, India zeroes in on bolstering regional economic collaborations and pushing for a recalibration of international monetary institutions to ensure the developing world isn’t left out. This nuanced strategy became increasingly transparent when India’s Foreign Minister, S. Jaishankar, dispelled notions of a nascent BRICS currency, electing instead to underline the importance of fortifying Indian Rupee in July this year. As BRICS itself stands at a crossroads and appears to positioned for a transformative global narrative, India navigates these waters with discerning caution. It remains vigilant to shifts that could potentially reconfigure this 16-year-old alliance in favour of a single, dominating power, effectively altering the multi-polar balance that has long characterised the consortium. As the gavel struck to signal close of the 15th BRICS Summit at Johannesburg’s Sandton Convention Centre, a renewed world order seemed to crystallize before the global community. The seismic pivot came courtesy South African President Cyril Ramaphosa, who announced the summit’s agreement to extend membership invitations to six emerging powers—Argentina, Ethiopia, Egypt, Iran, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates. This dramatic enlargement, scheduled to take effect in January 2024, would make the bloc represent approximately 30 per cent of the global GDP, a financial heft rivaled by few. Amid this climate of heightened anticipation and future promise, India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi emerged as the summit’s lodestar, charting the bloc’s course with a visionary range of proposals that struck a stark contrast to China’s mysterious reticence. Modi did not just navigate intricacies of the summit; he orchestrated them. India’s domestic and international roadmaps were laid out with compelling clarity. Whether articulating his ambitious aspiration for India to graduate to a developed nation by 2047 or laying bare his robust advocacy for key reforms in the United Nations Security Council and the World Trade Organization, Modi’s leadership radiated across multiple vectors. This was further illuminated by India’s pitch in the digital payments sphere, notably the Unified Payments Interface (UPI)

Geopolitics Leadership Policy Security

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Quirky Chinese leadership undependable!

Retake ‘Aksai Chin’ under Chinese occupation, stop its draconian expansionist aggression and bring peace to Indian borders K.A.Badarinath China is at its old dark ways again. Otherwise, there’s no reason why three Indian Wushu sports persons from Arunachal Pradesh, Nyeman Wangsu, Onilu Tega and Mepung Lapgu, were given stapled visas. India’s Wushu team was to head for Chengdu to participate in the World University Games beginning Friday. The stapled visas issue is symptomatic of China’s war games and its claim on Arunachal Pradesh that’s integral to Bharat. The latest fracas seems to be scripted and directed by none other than the Chinese Oligarchs’ frontman and President, Xi Jingping who’s into his third term as head of Chinese Communist Party and also head of all powerful military commission. Most significant Chinese claim on Arunachal Pradesh ala indirectly through stapled visas comes on a day when three key developments were reported. Dichotomy in Chinese military checkers comes to fore on a day when Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chinese President Xi Jingping spoke on phone to bring about stability on the borders. In fact, this was the first recorded conversation of the two leaders after their brief in person informal interaction at Bali as part of G-20 group at the invitation of Indonesian President. After the Galwan valley Chinese misadventure, there has been no engagement between heads of state and President Xi Jingping was busy ensuring third Presidential term for himself apart from ‘cleansing’ the party from his political rivals and policy antagonists. ‘Stapled visas’ hogged headlines also on a day when reports poured in about the two leaders’ discussion on military standoff during April – May 2020 in Eastern Ladakh. What has induced ‘stapled visas’ issue larger significance is the reports of Peoples Liberation Army (PLA) heightened build up from Eastern Ladakh to Arunachal Pradesh borders during last few weeks? Nineteen rounds of corps commander level talks between Indian and Chinese side have not yielded results nor have led to sensitizing PLA Generals or belligerent Communist leadership in China that rules its own people with an iron fist. Sense that one gets is China’s outright refusal to disengage from at the strategic Depsang plains and Charding Ninhlunh nallah track junction at the Demchock in Eastern Ladakh. On the other hand, reports suggest continued build-up of bunkers, posts, artillery positions, surface to air missile systems, radar sites and ammunition storages. Development of new helipads, roads, dual use villages development and last mile connectivity has also been on the rise across the border leading to beliefs that negotiations at political level may ‘not yield’ on the ground results but discussions have to happen. Stapled visas incident is seen more as one step further in China’s grand expansionist plan and communist vision to occupy others’ land disregarding international treaties, pacts and ‘gentlemen’ agreements to not change on-the-ground goal posts. Only way to put an end to this psycho-warfare like stapled visas is to firmly retake ‘Aksai Chin’ under its ‘illegal’ occupation since 1950s and held after the 1962 war. China’s claim on Aksai Chin was made a couple of years after Indian Constitution was adopted in 1950 that included whole of Jammu and Kashmir along with Ladakh. Aksai Chin was part of Ladakh till the Chinese claim leading to its occupation in ‘50s. In fact, no Chinese maps till 1920s even showed Aksai Chin as part of China. Even in 1930s map of Sinkiang or Xinjiang, Kunlun mountains were marked as Chinese boundary and not the Karakoram range. Chinese posturing and war games that were shaped in ‘wolf warrior’ diplomacy doctrine is essentially unsustainable in any bilateral relations. Beijing will have to realize that false claims, wolf warrior diplomacy combined with on-ground, air and water bound aggression may not help in positioning itself as a leader as well. In fact, Qin Gang who’s been closest aide to President Xi Jingping and later anointed a state councillor was considered architect of wolf warrior diplomacy doctrine adopted by Chinese Communist Party as one of its key principles in engaging with the world. While there’s no trace of ‘missing’ Qin Gang, bringing Wang Li back as top Chinese diplomat and foreign minister may not help clear the air. Openness, flexibility and clarity of thought and attitude make great world powers. China has a long way to go leaving its shady past, false claims and drudgery that the communist regime is known for. (author is Director and Chief Executive, Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies, non-partisan think tank based in New Delhi)

Business Cyber Security Security Technology

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Chinese Loan Apps: A Debt Trap to Death Trap

Rohan Chinese loan apps, which offer quick loans with minimal paperwork, have become increasingly popular among Indian borrowers. However, these apps have also been associated with incidents involving threats to borrowers and compromising their privacy. One distressing case occurred in Bangalore involving Tejas, a 22-year-old engineering student. Tejas faced severe torture from an agent due to his loan from a Chinese app named Slice and Kiss, which ultimately led to his tragic suicide. The questionable practices employed by these apps consistently undermine the privacy and security of citizens, while their excessively high-interest rates and lack of regulatory oversight present substantial challenges to the Indian economy. This analysis sheds light on the various aspects of this phenomenon, highlighting the challenges posed by Chinese lending apps in India and emphasizing their potential risks. Perilous for Indian Citizens Chinese lending apps expose borrowers’ personal and financial information to significant risks, potentially leading to severe breaches of privacy. These apps often impose exorbitant interest rates and concealed fees, trapping users in a cycle of debt. Many borrowers, often in urgent need of funds, remain unaware of the predatory lending practices employed, ultimately landing themselves in financial distress. Moreover, these apps are associated with unethical and aggressive debt-collection tactics. Borrowers who fail to make timely payments or encounter financial hardships often face harassment, intimidation, and public humiliation from collection agencies. Such practices can have profound psychological and emotional consequences, driving vulnerable individuals to despair and, tragically, even suicide. Furthermore, inadequate regulatory oversight and accountability for these apps amplify their risks. With inadequate scrutiny, these apps operate with impunity, exploiting the financial vulnerabilities of Indian citizens without facing appropriate consequences. Numerous reports have surfaced regarding representatives of these applications resorting to intimidation, harassment, and threats towards borrowers. Particularly during the Covid-19 lockdown, borrowers facing financial difficulties due to the pandemic have reported terrifying experiences, alleging they were subjected to coercive tactics regarding their debts. These threats often take the form of deceitful letters resembling official documents or the harassment of borrowers’ relatives. These networks facilitating fraudulent instant loans extend beyond Indian citizens, as Chinese youths and students have fallen victim to this practice. China witnessed a wave of incidents related to “loans for nudes,” where numerous cases emerged involving young female college students being coerced into providing explicit photos as collateral to ensure repayment to loan sharks. These instances shed light on China’s pervasive underground banking scandal, exposing the murky realm of loan sharks. The cases exemplify China’s growing consumerism, underdeveloped financial system, and lack of a comprehensive student loan program. The Chinese Underground Banking Scandal The Chinese Underground Banking Scandal sheds light on a disturbing reality that lies beneath the veneer of the financial system. This issue revolves around illicit financial operations conducted outside the purview of established banking institutions, operating clandestinely and evading regulatory oversight. An essential aspect of this scandal is the pervasive presence of underground banks operating as unlicensed and unregulated financial intermediaries. These clandestine institutions play a significant role in facilitating a wide range of illicit activities, such as money laundering, human trafficking, capital flight, tax evasion, and the financing of unlawful transactions. The scandal’s dark reality is characterized by exploiting economic loopholes and manipulating financial regulations. With inadequate regulation and enforcement, underground financial networks flourish, enabling criminals to clandestinely transfer substantial amounts of money across borders, obscuring these funds’ origins and actual purposes. Moreover, the Underground Banking Scandal carries global implications, involving transnational networks engaged in illicit financial transactions. These networks contribute to the challenges faced by international efforts to combat money laundering, terrorism financing, and other forms of transnational crimes. It is important to note that not all Chinese loan applications are directly involved with underground banking, and vice versa. However, an interconnectedness can occur when funds originating from loan applications enter the underground banking system. In such cases, underground banking networks may exploit or utilize loan application activities for illicit purposes, including money flows, money laundering, cross-border transactions, and regulatory challenges. Data Privacy and Security Concerns The rapid proliferation of Chinese loan applications in India has prompted severe data privacy and security concerns. These apps often demand extensive access to personal information, posing threats to users. The loan apps often necessitate comprehensive access to users’ personal information, such as complete names, addresses, phone numbers, social media profiles, bank account details, and even access to the user’s smartphone contacts. The sheer volume and sensitivity of the data collected endanger individuals’ privacy and raise the possibility of it being abused for unauthorised objectives. There have been reports and allegations that certain Chinese lending applications have been involved in misusing and manipulating user data. Data breaches and unlawful sharing of personal information with third parties have been reported. Such activities violate users’ privacy and raise the risk of identity theft, financial fraud, and other forms of cybercrime. As Chinese lending apps are international, cross-border data transfers are possible. User data acquired by these apps in India may be transferred and stored on servers outside India, often in China. This adds to the difficulties of data protection because different jurisdictions may have different data privacy laws and regulations. The Chinese government’s vast access and control over data raise concerns regarding the privacy and security of user data obtained by Chinese loan apps. Users could be subjected to unlawful access or surveillance by foreign entities. The data privacy and security concerns stemming from these loan apps in India are significant issue that demands immediate attention. The Indian government has been actively enhancing data protection and privacy laws to safeguard user information from unauthorized access or misuse. The Personal Data Protection Bill, currently under review, seeks to establish comprehensive regulations and mechanisms for protecting personal data, including stringent obligations on data handling, storage, and consent. Indian Government Actions Recognizing the potential risks involved with Chinese loan apps, authorities have taken steps to protect customers, maintain financial stability, and limit the illegal operations of these platforms. The Indian government has banned 138 betting applications

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