Bangladesh Bharat China Economy Geopolitics Human Rights Policy Security

Myanmar’s Strategic Crossroads China’s Influence, Western Interests and a Turbulent Election

Arun Anand Myanmar (formerly Burma) sits at a critical crossroads in Asia, both geographically and geopolitically. The country’s location – bordering China, India, Bangladesh, Thailand, and Laos, with a long coastline on the Bay of Bengal and Andaman Sea – makes it a bridge between South Asia and Southeast Asia. In fact, Myanmar is often described as the “main connecting hub” linking East, South, and Southeast Asia. Its shores provide access to the Indian Ocean’s major shipping lanes, which has long attracted great power interest. In short, Myanmar’s geostrategic location grants it outsized importance: it is the only Southeast Asian nation sharing borders with both India and China, and it offers a land gateway from the Bay of Bengal into the heart of Asia.

Bharat Education

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Vivekananda for Gen Z on National Youth Day 2026

Vivekananda for Gen Z on National Youth Day 2026 CIHS DESK Gen Z is at a turning point in 2026. Many young minds, surrounded by information, polarised narratives, and instant outrage, are drawn towards extremes, ideological, political or social, not always out of conviction but frequently out of confusion, rage or a need for meaning. In this context, Swami Vivekananda appears not just as a historical figure but also as a mentor for young people looking for meaning. National Youth Day, which is marked on January 12 to commemorate the birth anniversary of Vivekananda, one of India’s most influential intellectuals and enduring voices for youth upliftment, serves as a reminder that while youth power can be destructive if left unchecked, it can also be transformative when it is grounded in strong values. Long before the internet era, Vivekananda was aware of this threat. He cautioned against mental weakness, emotional excess, and mindless imitation, conditions that frequently lead to vulnerability and exploitation in our times. His timeless teachings connect directly to Gen Z, a generation living through uncertainty and hyper-connectedness, navigating imported “woke” cultural constructs, and increasingly vulnerable to disruptive and extremist ideologies. Vivekananda addressed young people as active creators of the future rather than as passive inheritors of tradition. His message was straightforward but profound: develop inner strength, have faith in yourself, and direct your energy towards positive endeavours. Vivekananda’s teachings provide an alternate route based on purpose, balance, and accountability at a time when many young people look for significance in extremes, whether they be ideological, digital, or social. The notion that education is the unfolding of each person’s inherent excellence rather than just the acquisition of knowledge was fundamental to his worldview. Gen Z, generation rich in knowledge and experience but frequently weighed down by comparison, worry and outside approval, finds great resonance in this concept. Young people are reminded by Vivekananda’s emphasis on self-belief that one’s value is determined by one’s character and inner convictions rather than by followers, trends or approbation. His conviction that knowledge without integrity is worthless feels particularly important in this day and age, when radical groups frequently draw highly educated but morally disengaged adolescents. Self-belief was a fundamental tenet of Swami Vivekananda’s philosophy, as seen by his statement, “Weakness is sin.” He encouraged the young people to believe in themselves by acknowledging the limitless potential that each person possesses. According to him, self-belief is not conceit but rather a profound understanding of one’s inherent power and moral obligation, which elevates people to overcome obstacles, take responsibility and strive for greater goals. This inner confidence, according to Vivekananda, is the cornerstone of nation-building: strong, fearless and disciplined people inevitably develop into responsible citizens who advance society. He thought that a country created by self-assured people would be durable, forward-thinking and cohesive, strong not just materially but also morally and purposefully. Vivekananda’s emphasis on character development over credentials was equally significant. He cautioned that knowledge devoid of integrity is meaningless in an era fixated on rapid success and immediate recognition. He held that the moral foundation of both people and nations is composed of integrity, bravery, empathy and selflessness. Vivekananda’s emphasis on education as the “manifestation of inner perfection” is vital for Generation Z, who are often faced with narratives that split the world into adversaries and allies. This serves as a reminder that trustworthiness and moral fortitude, rather than indignation or radicalism, are the sources of long-lasting impact. Another foundation of the ideals held by Vivekananda was discipline. For him, discipline served as a link between values and conduct. People who possess self-discipline in their thoughts and actions can focus on their goals and use their energy in constructive ways. According to Vivekananda, disciplined people construct powerful organisations and nations and disciplined minds produce ordered lives. He believed that discipline was liberating rather than limiting, enabling people to overcome obstacles and flaws. Another characteristic that set him apart was his fearlessness. Vivekananda exhorted the young people to behave bravely, talk honestly, and think for themselves. But wisdom, not recklessness, was the source of his fearlessness. He was as opposed to blind revolt as he was to blind conformity. This is especially important now since polarisation, fear, and false information can lead young people to adopt extreme viewpoints. Young people are empowered by Vivekananda’s bravery to think critically, question, and change without resorting to violence or hatred. Today, when extremism frequently poses as bravery while stifling introspection and discussion, striking this balance is crucial. Swami Vivekananda, who helped bring Vedanta and Yoga to Western audiences, understood Bhagwan (God) as the universal, formless, all-pervading Truth. He stressed personal, direct realisation over rigid dogma, taught that the divine dwells in every soul, and encouraged people to seek Bhagwan through love, service, and compassion, an outlook profoundly shaped by his guru, Sri Ramakrishna. Combining faith in Bhagwan with self-belief establishes equilibrium, ensuring that power is used for everyone’s benefit and anchoring human endeavour in higher ideals. For Vivekananda, spirituality is a force that propels national advancement and humanitarian service rather than an escape. These principles together create a comprehensive foundation for greatness. Swami Vivekananda envisioned young people who are self-assured but modest, disciplined and energetic, courageous and caring and socially engaged but deeply rooted in their spirituality. He felt that these people are the real builders of a powerful, enlightened, and cohesive civilisation. National Youth Day serves as a reminder that, when directed by admirable ideals, young people’s enthusiasm, inventiveness and tenacity may influence society. Vivekananda’s teachings, “Believe in yourself and believe in Bhagwan (God),” is still relevant and continue to motivate young people to overcome obstacles, give freely to humanity and strive for a just as young people look for significance outside of extremes: true power comes from character, clarity and service rather than radicalism. On his birth anniversary, we are reminded to reflect upon his teachings and inspire young people to lead with honesty, bravery, and compassion, influencing not only their own future but

Khalistani-Jamaat Joint Operations amid Minority Killings in Bangladesh

Hindus Bangladesh Bharat Human Rights Khalistan

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Situational Analysis: Khalistani-Jamaat Joint Operations amid Minority Killings in Bangladesh

Khalistani support for Islamist-linked violence and minority killings in Bangladesh, and the appearance of anti-Hindu and anti-India sloganeering outside the Bangladesh High Commission in London, reiterate that this is not simply a local Western “public order” problem. It is foreign territory being utilised as an outward-facing theatre for a Pakistan-rooted, anti-India orientation, where street spectacle and digital amplification do the work of deniable pressure.

Bangladesh’s Political Alliances Ahead of the 2026 Elections: Domestic Shifts and Geopolitical Alignments

Bangladesh Bharat Election Hindus Human Rights Leadership Pakistan Policy Politics

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Bangladesh’s Political Alliances Ahead of the 2026 Elections: Domestic Shifts and Geopolitical Alignments

By N. C. Bipindra As Bangladesh moves toward the general elections scheduled for February 2026, the country is experiencing its most far-reaching political realignment in decades. The collapse of Sheikh Hasina’s long-entrenched Awami League dominance following the 2024 mass uprising has dismantled the familiar two-party framework and given rise to a fragmented, competitive political arena. New coalitions, revived Islamist forces and youth-driven political platforms are all vying for space, and their manoeuvring is unfolding amid intensifying regional and global interest. For India, China, the United States and Pakistan, the choices Bangladeshi voters and parties make in 2026 will shape not only domestic governance but also Dhaka’s strategic orientation in South Asia and the wider Indo-Pacific. From Awami League Dominance to Political Fragmentation For more than a decade, Bangladesh’s political and foreign policy trajectory was closely associated with Sheikh Hasina’s Awami League. Domestically, the party presided over a strong centralised system that delivered economic growth while constricting political competition. Internationally, it cultivated a close strategic partnership with India, maintained extensive economic and infrastructure engagement with China and managed an increasingly strained relationship with the United States over issues of democracy, elections and human rights. The upheaval of 2024 abruptly ended this equilibrium. The interim administration under Muhammad Yunus pledged institutional reform and credible elections, but it also left the Awami League politically marginalised, creating a vacuum that rival forces are now racing to fill. BNP: Strategic Balancer with a Nationalist Tilt In this transformed landscape, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) has emerged as the most significant electoral contender. Long the principal opposition to the Awami League, BNP now sees itself as the natural governing alternative in a post-Hasina order. Its campaign narrative centres on restoring democratic norms, recalibrating economic policy, and reasserting civilian political authority. The death of party chairperson Khaleda Zia in December 2025 has accelerated a generational shift within the BNP, with her son Tarique Rahman assuming a central leadership role and directing alliance-building efforts ahead of the polls. This transition has infused the party with renewed urgency but also heightened scrutiny of its internal cohesion and strategic direction. Geopolitically, a BNP-led government would likely pursue a more balanced and less India-centric foreign policy than the Awami League. While ties with New Delhi would remain important, BNP has historically been more cautious, sometimes sceptical, of India’s influence and would seek a relationship framed more explicitly around reciprocity and sovereignty. At the same time, BNP is open to deepening economic engagement with China, viewing Beijing primarily as a source of investment and infrastructure rather than an ideological partner. Relations with the United States are expected to improve relative to the later Awami League years, as Washington sees BNP as more receptive to competitive politics, though US support would remain contingent on credible elections and limits on Islamist influence. Any warming of ties with Pakistan under a BNP government would likely be symbolic rather than transformative, constrained by historical sensitivities and limited economic incentives. Islamist Bloc: Ideological Identity, Strategic Ambiguity Alongside BNP’s resurgence, the return of Islamist politics has added a new layer of complexity to the electoral contest. The reinstatement of Jamaat-e-Islami has allowed it to rebuild an Islamist-leaning bloc drawing on conservative rural constituencies and religious networks. Although Jamaat is unlikely to dominate nationally, it is well-positioned to influence outcomes in a fragmented parliament. Its re-entry into mainstream politics has unsettled secular and centrist forces, raising questions about Bangladesh’s ideological trajectory after years of enforced secularism under the Awami League. From a geopolitical perspective, Jamaat’s participation is viewed with unease by both India and the United States. New Delhi associates Islamist political mobilisation with potential risks to border security and counter-extremism cooperation, while Washington remains wary of Jamaat’s ideological orientation and historical baggage. Pakistan, by contrast, sees a degree of ideological affinity in Jamaat’s worldview, though this does not automatically translate into strategic alignment. China has taken a more pragmatic stance, showing little concern for Jamaat’s ideology so long as political stability is maintained and economic engagements remain intact. In this sense, Islamist influence complicates Bangladesh’s external relationships without clearly anchoring the country to any single power. National Citizen Party (NCP): Reformist Politics, Geopolitical Ambiguity Another significant player in the evolving political landscape is the National Citizen Party, a youth-led formation that emerged from the 2024 protest movement. The NCP articulates a reformist agenda centred on institutional accountability, anti-corruption measures and generational change in politics. Its rise reflects widespread public fatigue with dynastic politics and entrenched elites. However, the party’s limited grassroots organisation and inexperience have constrained its electoral prospects, pushing it toward alliance calculations that have sparked internal divisions, particularly over potential cooperation with Islamist groups. Internationally, NCP’s discourse resonates most strongly with Western actors, especially the United States, which views its emphasis on transparency and civic rights as aligned with democratic norms. The party has not articulated a clear or consistent stance toward India or China, reflecting both its novelty and its focus on domestic reform rather than foreign policy. Over the longer term, NCP represents a potential new political elite that could tilt Bangladesh toward stronger engagement with Western institutions, but in the immediate electoral cycle, its influence is likely to be indirect, mediated through alliances. Awami League Remnant: Pro-India, Diminished but Not Irrelevant Although the Awami League has been largely sidelined, its residual networks within the bureaucracy, business community and local governance structures continue to matter. Any partial rehabilitation of the party would be welcomed in New Delhi, which still regards the Awami League as its most reliable partner in Bangladesh. However, strained relations with the United States and deep hostility toward Pakistan would remain defining features of an Awami League foreign policy orientation, limiting its room for manoeuvre even if it regains political relevance. Democracy, Stability, and Strategic Competition For the United States, 2026 election represents a test of process rather than personalities. Washington’s primary concerns revolve around electoral credibility, political pluralism and the containment of violent extremism. A BNP-led or broadly technocratic

Ideology Before Inquiry? A Rejoinder to New York Times RSS Narrative

Bharat Disinformation Geopolitics Hindus

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Ideology Before Inquiry? A Rejoinder to New York Times RSS Narrative

Dr. Aniket Pingley I am not a journalist by profession. But like any reader who values intellectual honesty, I expect journalism to adhere to its own stated standards of ethics, verification, and fairness. In its article published by NYT titled “From the Shadows to Power: How the Hindu Right Reshaped India,” that expectation is repeatedly taken for a toss. If the NYT is willing to relax on standards when writing about the RSS, readers are entitled to ask whether what is being offered is reporting at all, or merely a predetermined story wearing the language of journalism. This essay examines where and how the article by Mashal and Kumar departs from those standards. My critique does not rest on disagreement with conclusions alone, but on demonstrable violations of widely accepted journalistic ethics, as codified in the IFJ Global Charter of Ethics for Journalists, the Munich Charter, and the Society of Professional Journalists’ Code of Ethics. In the sections that follow, I identify specific statements from the article, map them to the standards they violate, and offer rewritten versions showing how the same points could have been presented in a professional manner. 1. Failure: Fact–Opinion Separation Violated Statement Violated standard How should it have been written RSS’s stated position “The far-right group known as the R.S.S. has spent a century trying to make India a Hindu-first nation.” “The journalist shall make sure to clearly distinguish factual information from commentary and criticism.” – IFJ Global Charter, Article 2 Founded in 1925, the RSS has articulated a vision of national identity centered on Hindu cultural/civilizational unity. Critics interpret this vision as seeking a Hindu-first political order, an interpretation the organization has refuted consistently. India, that is Bharat, is a Hindu nation. The word Hindu transcends Hinduism (religion). Hindu is the collective identity of the people of this nation called Bharat. The nationhood of Hindus has evolved over thousands of years independently of the kingdoms in Bharat and their political boundaries. 2. Failure: Loaded Language Used as Factual Description Statement Violated standard How should it have been written Some common sense “The R.S.S. originated as a shadowy cabal for the revival of Hindu pride after a long history of Muslim invasions and colonial rule in India, its early leaders openly drawing inspiration from the nationalist formula of Fascist parties in Europe during the 1930s and 1940s.” “Avoid stereotyping. Journalists should examine the ways their values and experiences may shape their reporting.” – SPJ Code of Ethics The RSS began as a small, closely organized volunteer movement during the colonial period, operating primarily through local branches, called as shakhas, rather than public political platforms. An honest discussion with the RSS leadership reveals that the founder Dr. Hedgewar was inspired by the vision of Swami Vivekananda, Yogi Aurobindo, Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay, Bal Gangadhar Tilak etc. The RSS was founded in 1925, about half a decade prior to the start fascism in Europe. Why would anyone in the RSS had to go to Europe to learn about martial discipline if they could simply observe the British exercise the same, first-hand and for free? Suggested reading for NYT: Bhawani Mandir pamphlet written by Yogi Aurobindo in 1905. 3. Failure: Suppression of Essential Context Statement Violated standard How should it have been written RSS’s stated position “It’s philosophy casts India’s Muslims and Christians as descendants of foreign invaders who need to be put in their place.” “The journalist shall not suppress essential information or falsify any document.” – IFJ Global Charter, Article 3 Some critics argue that certain Hindutva interpretations frame Indian history through a civilizational lens that emphasizes foreign invasions. RSS leaders, however, state that their definition of national belonging is cultural rather than religious and applies to all citizens. As a matter of fact, Sarasanghachalak Dr. Mohan Bhagwat has stated, on record, umpteen times that everyone in Bharat shares a “common DNA”, irrespective of their faith. https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/living-in-harmony-is-our-culture-mohan-bhagwat-says-dna-of-people-in-undivided-india-same-for-40000-years-as-rss-marks-100-years/articleshow/123528212.cms The article itself states: “Their definition is a cultural one, and they consider everyone living in India as Hindu, he (Dr. Mohan Bhagwat) said.” 4 & 5. Failure: Causal Claims Without Verification and Prediction Presented as Fact 2 Statements Violated standards How should it have been written “The R.S.S. has infiltrated and co-opted India’s institutions to such a degree …” “that its deep roots will ensure it remains a powerful force long after Mr. Modi is gone.” “Never confuse the work of a journalist with that of a publicist or a propagandist.” – Charter of Munich, Responsibility 9 “The notion of urgency or immediacy in the dissemination of information shall not take precedence over verification.” – IFJ Global Charter, Article 5 Individuals associated with organizations that describe ideological affinity with the RSS are present across political parties, civil society groups, and public institutions in India. Scholars and analysts disagree on whether this presence reflects coordinated organizational strategy, informal ideological influence, or the broader political mobilization of Hindu nationalist ideas. However, no judicial findings or investigative agency has proven that the R.S.S exercises institutional control over state bodies or established centralized direction of such influence. 6. Failure: Unfounded Accusations by Association Statement Violated standard Counter question for the NYT “And when you see Hindu vigilantes parading through Muslim neighbourhoods or ransacking churches, you are seeing the R.S.S. affiliates exercising their vision of supremacy.” “Slander, libel, defamation, unfounded accusations are serious professional misconduct.” – IFJ Global Charter, Article 10 The article itself states: “He (Dr. Mohan Bhagwat) discouraged engaging in hooliganism and incitement of violence”. The basis of this article is a study conducted by Felix Pal that attempts to establish RSS having a tight control over all its affiliates. So does the RSS’s discouragement to incitement of violence and its affiliates’ “exercising their vision of supremacy” through hooliganism logically add up? 7. Failure: Unverified causal theory presented as settled fact Statement Violated standard Counter statement with similar flavour “But the formula has remained central to its success ever since: uniting Hindus around grievances from the past and injecting

Bharat Hindus Leadership Policy

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A Civilisational Reawakening in 1943

CIHS Desk On the morning of 30 December 1943, Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose fulfilled his vow, he hoisted the tricolour at Port Blair. This was no ritual gesture but a declaration that the soul of Bharat had arisen. Under Bose’s leadership of the Azad Hind Fauj, the Andaman and Nicobar Islands were liberated from British colonial occupation. The solemn Cellular Jail, long the symbol of British cruelty, now looked on as its jailors empire began to crumble. The flag fluttering at Netaji Stadium (then the Gymkhana Ground) proclaimed that India’s freedom was no longer a distant dream, it was being claimed here and now. In mid-1943, Bose had already proclaimed the Azad Hind Sarkar, India’s first provisional government in Singapore. He made clear that this was not a symbolic cabinet-in-exile, but a strategic, ideological and military assertion of India’s right to self-rule. The INA raised its own treasury and even issued stamps and currency under Bose’s tricolour, signaling real statehood. India’s freedom struggle had transformed into a true war of liberation. Bose explicitly rejected petitions and half-measures: “India would fight for her freedom not through pleas or petitions, but through armed struggle and sacrifice,” he declared. In his words, the Azad Hind Government was “the Government of the free Indians… representing the will of the entire Indian people”. This fiery claim of sovereignty stunned the colonial occupiers. By late 1943, even a Japanese handover made Port Blair and nearby islands the first piece of Indian soil “freed from British rule.” On 30 December itself, Bose stood before a crowd of freedom-loving Andamanis. With pride and resolve he unfurled the tricolour at the very spot where countless patriots like Vinayak Damodar Savarkar had once been tortured. The effect was electric. In a speech charged with the fervor of Bharat Mata, Bose invoked the martyrs of the Cellular Jail, comparing its gates opening to the fall of the Bastille in France, and consecrated the day as one of liberation. He renamed the Andaman’s as Shaheed Dweep (Martyr’s Island) and the Nicobar’s as Swaraj Dweep (Self-Rule Island), dedicating them to the memory of India’s sacrificed heroes. This was more than pageantry, the tricolour rising there “symbolised not just the freedom of the islands but the resurgence of India’s spirit”. The colonial empire understood the message: Indians had moved from petitions to power, and Britain’s colonial story was broken. Bose’s act proclaimed that India would seize its destiny “through determination, sacrifice, disciplined action and uncompromising courage,” not through British concession. 30 December 1943 therefore must be remembered not as a footnote, but as a defining assertion of Bharat’s civilizational will. On that day, Netaji, born of a family steeped in patriotism, rekindled the ancient flame of Bharat’s freedom. The raising of the tricolour at Port Blair stands as a witness that India’s independence was not granted but earned, seized by heroes who embodied the country’s spiritual resilience. This is the legacy of that day, a story of national awakening that resonates with the soul of Bharat.

Between Washington and Beijing, India Steadily Rewrites the Space Race

Bharat China Defence International Technology United States USA

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Between Washington and Beijing, India Steadily Rewrites the Space Race

In an era increasingly defined by a U.S.-China contest for orbit, India’s space wave is emerging as the third force: not just competitive but trusted. Rahul PAWA | @imrahulpawa (X) From Sriharikota’s launch pads to orbiting skies, India’s space agency ISRO has quietly become the go-to commercial launcher for dozens of countries. In the past decade, Indian rockets have placed nearly 390 foreign satellites into orbit. The United States is by far the biggest client, 232 U.S. built satellites have hitched rides with India since 2014, but others are close behind. For example, Britain has sent roughly 83 satellites via ISRO, Singapore about 19, with Canada and South Korea also among the customers (8 and 5 satellites respectively). Space industry analysts note that ISRO “has become a symbol of reliability and innovation, with rockets praised for precision, efficiency and affordability. This reputation for dependable, cost-effective launches helps explain why a dozen nations now entrust key payloads to India’s launchers. At the heart of ISRO’s appeal is its workhorse rocket, the Polar Satellite Launch Vehicle (PSLV). Decades of development have yielded an unusually high success rate, about 94% over 63 missions to date and even occasional world records. In 2017, for instance, a single PSLV mission put 104 satellites into orbit at once shattering the previous record and demonstrating ISRO’s scheduling precision and multi-payload management. As ISRO executives have noted, each launch showcases India’s growing expertise and boosts international confidence. This technical reliability comes with a financial edge. ISRO’s launch prices are substantially lower than many competitor rates. One survey finds PSLV missions run on the order of $21-31 million apiece, compared with roughly $62-67 million for a SpaceX Falcon 9 and $178 million for a Europe’s Ariane 5. Even for very small satellites, India is pushing the cost down. Its new Small Satellite Launch Vehicle (SSLV) is advertised around $3.7 million per flight, a tiny fraction of Western ride-share prices. In short, ISRO offers clients a low-cost, high reliability launch option. No wonder space agencies and companies in emerging markets often choose India when budgets are tight or missions are sensitive. Countries and companies have leveraged ISRO’s launchers across a range of applications. In Europe-India collaborations, the UK’s Surrey Satellite Technology Ltd. contracted ISRO to orbit two remote-sensing satellites in 2018: NovaSAR (an S-band synthetic-aperture radar craft) and S1-4 (a high-resolution optical imager) to monitor forests, floods and ships. Likewise, Brazil launched its Amazonia-1 Earth-observation satellite on a PSLV in 2021, gathering critical imagery of Amazon deforestation and agriculture. Singapore has also joined the client roster: in 2023 PSLV carried the TeLEOS‑2 radar satellite and a small experimental payload (LUMILITE‑4) for Singapore’s government, both intended for maritime and environmental data collection. American commercial entities make heavy use of India’s ride shares. For example, a single 2017 launch carried 96 cubesats built by U.S. companies: 88 from Planet Labs for high-resolution Earth imaging and 8 from Spire Global carrying weather and ship-tracking sensors. ISRO’s track record gives confidence even to sensitive payloads, from Earth-observation craft to communication satellites. Recent missions have included U.S. tech-firms communications spacecraft (AST Space Mobile’s BlueBird satellite) and French company data-relay microsats, all trusting PSLV or India’s heavy-lift GSLV rocket to deliver them to precise orbits. In every case, India’s rockets deliver their payloads efficiently attracting clients from around the globe. Back home, this international success has coincided with a boom in India’s private space industry. Since 2020 the PM Narendra Modi led government has opened the sector, launching an independent regulator (IN-SPACe) and a dedicated $1.2 billion venture fund to back innovation. The result: over 200 new space startups have emerged, from launch-vehicle builders to satellite manufacturers and data analytics firms. These companies are designing everything from small rockets to Earth-observation constellations. Government studies project India’s space economy could quintuple, reaching around $44 billion by the early 2030s as the country captures 8-10% of a global market that could hit that size. Even global investors are taking notice: for example, Google’s parent Alphabet has put $36 million into one Indian satellite startup to build hyper spectral-imaging craft. Crucially, India’s startups stand to benefit from ISRO’s infrastructure even as they go commercial. By law, private launches must use ISRO launchpads, and new small-launcher ventures are in line to use the upcoming Sriharikota New Spaceport as well as the older coastal range. Meanwhile, partnerships abound: several startups work alongside ISRO labs (for avionics, propulsion or data downlinks), and some major projects (like Gaganyaan astronaut flights) channel advanced R&D that will have civilian spinoffs. In short, India’s homegrown space ecosystem is maturing just as global demand for satellites is exploding. This groundswell highlights the imperative that India is not just a launcher for others, but a growing hub of space innovation. In pure dollar terms, the satellite-launch business has so far yielded moderate sums for India. The official trade data show that ISRO’s foreign-launch revenue from 2015-2024 totalled on the order of $143 million. (By comparison, SpaceX alone earned tens of billions over the same period.) However, a more detailed breakdown highlights rapid growth: India’s Minister for Department of Space, Dr. Jitendra Singh recently reported about $172 million in receipts from U.S. satellite contracts and €292 million from Europe in the last decade, with more launches on the manifest. Crucially, these revenues come from launch service fees, not counting the wide range of data and technology that follow. What matters more is momentum. The global space market is on a steep upward trajectory. Goldman Sachs analysts estimate up to 70,000 new satellites will be launched worldwide in the next five years, as low-orbit constellations multiply and nations seek independent capabilities. To capture a share of that market, India leverages its reputation for reliability and low-cost service. Policy planners note that India’s portion of the global space economy (currently around 2%) could realistically rise into the high single digits or 10% range by the early 2030s. Now competing head-to-head with American and Chinese players, ISRO is no longer merely offering “low

Democracy, Disorder and the Question of Legitimacy in Bangladesh - An Interview with Sheikh Hasina

Bangladesh Bharat Disinformation Geopolitics Hindus Human Rights Pakistan Policy Security

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Democracy, Disorder and the Question of Legitimacy in Bangladesh

Sheikh Hasina’s Interview With Arun Anand In an exclusive and wide-ranging conversation with author and columnist Arun Anand, former Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina breaks her silence on the dramatic events that led to her departure from Dhaka, the violent derailment of the 2024 student protests, and what she describes as the systematic dismantling of democratic institutions under the Yunus-led interim regime. Speaking with rare candour, Hasina addresses allegations against her government, warns of rising extremism and minority persecution, and outlines the constitutional and political conditions she believes are essential for Bangladesh’s democratic recovery. From regional geopolitics and relations with India to the future of the Awami League and the legitimacy of proposed elections, this interview offers an unfiltered account from a leader who governed Bangladesh for over a decade and continues to shape its political destiny. Question: Could you share what factors influenced your decision to leave Bangladesh, and what assurances you would need to consider returning? Answer: What began as a genuine student movement was escalated by radicalists who led the crowds into violence, destroying state and communications infrastructure and burning down police stations. By then, this was no longer a peaceful civic movement, but a violent mob. My instinct has always been to protect our country and our citizens, and it was not an easy decision to leave while my country erupted into lawlessness. I regret that I was compelled to leave, but it was a decision I took to minimize any further loss of life, and to ensure the safety of people around me. For me to return, Bangladesh must restore constitutional governance and the rule of law. This means lifting the unlawful ban on the Awami League, releasing political prisoners detained on fabricated charges, and holding genuinely free elections. You cannot claim democratic legitimacy while banning the party elected nine times by the people. Question: How do you reflect on your government’s handling of the 2024 protests, and how do you respond to the concerns raised about the use of force and the legal cases that followed? Answer: In the initial days, we allowed students to protest freely and accepted their demands. Then extremists transformed peaceful demonstrations into a violent insurrection. We responded as any government would when faced with burning police stations and attacks on state infrastructure; we acted to restore order and to prevent further bloodshed. I attempted to gain a full picture of the events in August 2024 by establishing a judicial inquiry commission to investigate every death. The conspiracy behind these attacks became clear only later when Yunus immediately dissolved this inquiry, released convicted terrorists, and granted blanket immunity to those he now glorifies as ‘July warriors.’ These same actors marched on the Indian embassy last week, no doubt emboldened by the protection of the interim government. If there were genuine concerns about excessive force or wrongful prosecutions, why destroy the very mechanism designed to investigate them? The truth is that Yunus has consistently thwarted attempts to establish what really happened in July and August 2024, because an impartial investigation would reveal the orchestrated nature of the violence. Question: What is your assessment of the current Yunus-led regime, and how do you view Bangladesh’s future—both with the proposed February 2026 elections and in the longer term? Answer: We cannot forget that Yunus governs without a single vote from the Bangladeshi people. He has placed extremists in cabinet positions, released convicted terrorists, and done little or nothing to stop attacks on religious minorities. The economy that quadrupled during my tenure is now stalling. Yunus came to power promising reform yet all he has sown division and banned the country’s oldest and most popular political party, thus disenfranchising millions. These elections can never be legitimate if the Awami League is banned. My concern is that extremists are using Yunus to project an acceptable international face while they radicalise our institutions domestically. But Bangladesh and its people have extraordinary resilience and an unwavering belief in the power of participatory democracy. I trust that democracy will prevail and that we will set our great country back on the path to recovery and growth. Question: Looking back, how do you view the debate over democratic space during your tenure, and what reforms or new approaches would you prioritize if given another opportunity to lead? Answer: I believe our greatest achievement as a party was the restoration of democracy in the 1990s. When I returned to Bangladesh following my father’s assassination, the biggest challenge facing our country was a lack of popular representation. Those years of military rule and unelected leadership taught us valuable lessons about the power of democracy that we never took for granted during our time in government. As a government, we encouraged political engagement and participation across the nation. Democracy thrives with healthy opposition, yet some of those parties chose to boycott previous elections, restricting the democratic choice of millions of ordinary citizens. It is interesting that those who accused us of restricting democratic space now rule without a single vote, have forced judges to resign, and have detained journalists brave enough to critique their increasingly authoritarian grip on our nation. The question isn’t what reforms I would implement, it’s whether Bangladesh will retain any democratic institutions to reform. We are proud of our record in government. During those 15 years, we helped to lift millions out of poverty, empowered women, and transformed Bangladesh into one of Asia’s fastest-growing economies. We consistently protected the rights of minorities and prevented radicalism from eroding our democracy. It takes a legitimate and strong government to forge our country’s place both domestically and internationally, and we did so by operating within constitutional boundaries. We were repeatedly mandated by voters at the ballot box. Question: How do you assess the country’s current political course under the interim government, particularly in terms of national stability and long-term strategic interests? Answer: The Yunus government took power with a wave of western support from those who confused economic success with political

Bharat Disinformation Hindus Media Misinformation News Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) Rebuttal World

183

What’s RSS: Starfish or Spider?

The New York Times & its author fail to understand RSS, that’s open, grounded, service oriented, Hindu centric organization for humanity. Dr Aniket Pingley Be it journalistic writing, scientific research or an analytical study, merit and rigour of methods used are compulsive ingredients. Strong conclusions would be accepted when readers see distinct difference between analysis based on facts and otherwise. Careful distinctions, causal explanation, proportional language and an openness to contradiction are scientific way of analytical writing rigmarole. When those elements weaken, even widely shared concerns begin to read as assertions in search of proof. This essay examines The New York Times opinion article, published on December 23, 2025 headlined, “Youth Hostels, Blood Banks, Yoga: How One Far-Right Network Spread Across the World” by Felix Pal, which follows a long-form “study” by the same author in The Caravan. The coveted subject is Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and its extended ecosystem across the globe. Pal’s research study published in The Caravan has been comprehensively analysed and published at https://www.cihs.org.in/hit-job-guised-as-study/. The composite central hypothesis of the author is stated here: The RSS is not a loose family of ideologically inspired but autonomous organizations (across the globe), as claimed. Rather, it functions as a single, centrally coordinated political organism that strategically uses thousands of legally distinct civil-society entities as proxies to expand power, evade accountability, and manufacture the illusion of an organic grassroots movement. The RSS is a far-right movement that has infiltrated institutions of daily life to achieve power. The focus of this essay is about whether mechanism of evaluation used to analyse it meets standards implied by the author’s credentials and by the platform that published him. A close reading, especially when the Caravan and NYT articles are read side by side, reveals a consistent pattern: claims escalate while evidence does not. Interpretive language hardens into assertion; associative facts are recoded as proof of control; and metaphor substitutes for mechanism. Let us begin by examining a couple of claims that the author had made in NYT article. Claim one: “This picture offers insight into the social forces that propelled the Hindu far right to dominance in India. It also helps explain how, as nativist parties are in ascendance globally, a far-right movement can infiltrate the institutions of daily life to achieve political power.” The claim that “this picture offers insight into the social forces that propelled the Hindu far right to dominance in India” is presented as conclusion, but the article never explains what that insight actually consists of or how it was derived. Nowhere does the author specify a causal mechanism linking the mapped organizations to political dominance. There is total absence in sequence of actions, decision-making processes or measurable effects on voter behaviour identified. Description is substituted for explanation: the presence of schools, charities, hostels, and cultural bodies is treated as self-evident proof of political causation. Claim 2: The second claim that same “picture” explains how far-right movements globally can “infiltrate the institutions of daily life to achieve political power” extends this unsupported inference even further. The article neither defines what “infiltration” means in operational terms nor shows how voluntary, legally registered and publicly functioning institutions constitute covert penetration. More critically, it offers no comparative evidence demonstrating that this supposed mechanism operates across different national and political contexts. And, most importantly, the statement implies that RSS hasfelt the need to “infiltrate” the same organizations that share ideas, outlook and work independently. Claim 3 Let us take another statement. “The organizations we mapped help give the R.S.S. the avenues to work toward the whole-of-society change it seeks. It might be by providing private alternatives to crumbling state health care, by indoctrinating children through tens of thousands of private Hindu nationalist schools or by churning out news and media content through dozens of publishing houses, websites and newspapers. Not all the groups we tracked are explicit about far-right ideas, but many of them become key vectors for legitimacy, information and often resources (financial or otherwise) that sustain the core of the R.S.S. network.” Let us examine what can be proven here and what is purely an opinion. Facts: By normal civic criteria, these facts describe a robust, resilient civil-society network Opinions: If one were to write a book titled: “How to move from description to judgment without crossing the evidentiary bridge”, this article could become a seminal reference work! Because Dr. Pal is trained in political science and international relations, readers are entitled to expect analytic discipline, which is found wanting. The author states: “For the past six years, I have been part of a team that has mapped thousands of organizations in 40 countries with links to the R.S.S.” The author believes that looking at GPS navigation map software is same as actually traveling the landscape under purview. A desk-based network analysis could be a legitimate method only if its limits are acknowledged shown as extrapolation of “facts”. Compositely the NYT write up along with The Caravan article falls flat on their face on several fronts (list is not exhaustive): Previously in a rebuttal to Washington Post article, it was explained how consensus-building within the RSS is interpreted as rigidity or control, rather than as indicators of decentralized decision-making and collective reasoning. Here is the link: https://cihs.blog/2025/10/27/western-media-lacks-framework-to-understand-rss/. Organizations inspired by RSS continue to engage with it because of its ability to stay current through an extensive, continuously feedback-driven network. Any organization would value access to cross-sector, verified and up-to-date information provided unconditionally. RSS as a phenomenon is a case-study in organizational theory. The book (not related to RSS) byOri Brafman and Rod Beckstromtitled “The Starfish and the Spider” provides some insights. While the “spider” organizations are centralized with clear head (CEO / HQ) to alone calls the shots, “starfish” organizations have catalysts. A catalyst is a leader who inspires, connects people and leads by example without exercising coercive power. They step back and let the circle run itself. Dr. Pal’s six-year long mapping effort has a fundamental

Geopolitics International United States USA

234

Will Religion Limit Talent Hiring in US?

JD Vance prodding that businesses hiring personnel from other communities and countries were ‘anti-Christian’ is simply gross. CIHS Desk For first time in recent history of United States of America (USA), faith and religion have been introduced to run businesses, economy, make investments and hiring of personnel. Valuing diverse culture of America may not be against basic ethos or tenets of that country. But to suggest that as a ‘Christian nation,’ US companies and businesses have to rethink employing talented people at cost-effective wages from third world is gross. US Vice President JD Vance described America as a “Christian nation” and said we need to protect American jobs from cheaper workers of other countries. Speaking at Turning Point’s America First conference 2025, Vance prodded that employing people of other origins at competitive terms was not part of ‘true Christian politics’. Well, Vance may have to be shown the mirror. Not many would complain about ‘America First’ policy of President Donald Trump or his Vice President. But to give a religious or faith related twist to hiring, employment, running businesses is seriously untenable. The Republican eager to launch his presidential campaign in 2028 may have overstepped ideologically and pursued a sectarian, politically volatile agenda. While Christians of different denominations form US majority polity today, US itself came into being on the graves of Red Indians. In a globalized economy, flexibility in running businesses and recruitment of personnel based on their education, training, talent, value-addition, deliverables and costs must be the basis. Businesses and industry in US may not like to take J D Vance too seriously and reject a large number of their personnel just because they are not Christian or do not subscribe to his political agenda of exclusivity. In case businesses do limit their choice in talent hunt to American Christians as suggested by Vance, what about the large mass of atheists, agnostics and other minorities? While pandering to 162 million Christians of Protestants, Catholics is rather tempting, but to reject others from within and outside irrespective of talent and their contribution in terms of economic value is unsustainable even in short term. Is J D Vance making out a case against those coming for jobs, valued contribution to American economy? Does Vance not understand as to how many universities and institutions run just due to students and professionals from different countries? Is Vance laying the roadmap for Christian and ‘others’ kind of political campaigns that’s pugnacious? American cultural and civilizational evolution has subscribed to making it the ‘land of high value workers’ irrespective of their origin or pay packets they take home. Does Vance not appreciate contribution of religious minorities that include Jews, Hindus, Buddhists, Jains or people of colour? From the days of George Washington, Church has had a big say in governing United States though there was huge resistance to religious interference in state’s affairs. Now, extending it to private sector is something that the Catholic turned Vance proposes to do. This will have serious implications for American businesses as liberal access to talent globally sustained them till now. And, non-availability or limited choice would translate into gaps in high value chains across industrial and services sectors of American economy. Big question therefore several analysts posed was governing America by the country’s constitution or Apostles? Will ‘Ten Commandments have upper hand over Bill of Rights? Several policymakers within Trump administration think that JD Vance postulation of a Christian nation may not allow for hiring the brightest and most talented human resources to compete with China. Exclusive or restrictive policies may not only restrict opportunities for other communities but force top technology giants to shift their investments to more competitive, flexible and open markets.

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