Defence Geopolitics Hindus International Leadership Policy Security

Nepal Stares at Uncertainty!

A stable, open, vibrant Himalayan nation retaining its Hindu core with cultural, civilizational and spiritual underpinning is most sustainable. K.A.Badarinath Peace and tranquillity, political stability and nursing the tiny Himalayan nation, Nepal to normalcy is pivotal to enduring growth and sustained development in South Asia. Bharat’s nearest and one of the most trusted partners, Nepal went through a lot in last couple of weeks. Disturbing and painful scenes of complete anarchy, loss of 19 young lives, scores injured, iconic Parliament, Supreme Court and other top-end buildings burning to ashes in part or completely painted a distressing picture of this picturesque country. There’s no place for corrupt, authoritarian or anti-people regimes that let down their own people. Be it Bangladesh, Nepal or Sri Lanka, zero tolerance to corruption is something that each will have to prioritize as basic tenant of a democratic polity. And, Nepali political leadership of all hues and shades have got thoroughly exposed after they failed to provide corrupt-free governance. Social media related policies were incidental and served as trigger for youngsters to hit the road. Eight major political formations with diverse ideologies and linkages like Nepali Congress, CPN-UML, Moist Centre, Jan Samajwadi Party, CPN – United Socialist, Loktantrik Samajbadi Party, Rashtriya Janmorcha that dominated the political arena today find themselves out of the system after K.P.Oli led coalition was forced out by the youngsters. Kathmandu Mayor Balen Shah and Sudan Gurung that apparently played a key role during the protests seem to have shifted behind the screen in their activities. While uncertainty stares in Nepal, an interim government headed by Prime Minister Sushila Karki and her three ministers do not fit into any of these political parties. And, they would find it difficult to find their in moving forward. Given that the young protesters did not have centralized leadership or entity that led the violent protests, the interim government will have to carve out its own socio-political space. Home Minister Om Prakash Aryal, Power Minister Kulman Ghising and finance Minister Rameshwar Khanal appointed by the first lady Prime Minister reportedly enjoy clean image and do not come with political baggage of any kind. Their work in respective areas stands out. All the four including Prime Minister Karki seem to have western orientation either due to their profession or outlook. Hence, their work in the government would be subjected to closer scrutiny by all stakeholders in Nepal. For the first time, overtly professional Nepal army had to play a semi-political role leading to dissolution of Parliament, formation of interim government that will lead the country into general elections in March 2026. To its credit, Nepal Army displayed exemplary professionalism by not taking reins of governance and backed the Karki regime to see through difficult transition next few months. Also, it is immensely possible that political parties that lost people’s confidence may realign to bounce back to centre stage seeking a second chance. After adoption of the new constitution ringing in democracy in 2008, fourteen governments were formed, dislodged with political alignments happening all through. None of these political formations were able to complete the mandated five-year term after an election. In these 18-years of political turbulence marked by twists, turns and realignments, India stood as beacon of strength to lend a helping hand in the Himalayan nation’s transition to democracy. Notwithstanding political ideologies of a government that ruled Kathmandu, India stood firmly with Nepal in its socio-economic development journey as a steadfast partner with no strings attached. If Prime Minister Narendra Modi and external affairs minister S.Jaishankar’s statements are any indication, India continues to be firmly behind Nepal. One also needs to watch out for cold play from Communist China and Republican US while Nepal struggles to end uncertainty and get back its rhythm. Hard part for Nepal would be to retain its basic Hindu character while diverse ideological formations and external forces come into play. There were wild guesses that the former monarchs were behind protests which were proved wrong. An open, vibrant and bustling Nepal retaining its Hindu core in terms of its cultural, civilizational and spiritual orientation is what would sustain itself as a sovereign nation. (Author is Director and Chief Executive of non-partisan New Delhi based think-tank, Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies)

Defence Hindus Kashmir Pakistan Policy Politics Security

463

Heritage, Ethos, Not Saffronisation

Selective amnesia and deliberate attempt to communalise the army on naming of operation Sindoor is gross and unacceptable. Brig Brijesh Pandey Frontline column “Hindu Names for Military Operations: Treading a Dangerous Line” by Mani Shankar Aiyar published on 09, September 2025 argues that naming of military operations by the present government – most recently Operation Sindoor reflects a deliberate “saffronisation of Indian Army.” The argument is provocative, selective and highly misleading. Having served for 35 years in Indian Army, I never felt that I’m a Hindu or so to say only a Hindu. Being from a pure Sikh Regiment, felt more like a SIKH, behaved like a Sikh and whenever there was a chance to name an institution, exercise or force, the first name that would come to the mind was one that related to Sikh traditions of valour. Yet no one, including my parents, questioned my secular or Hindu credentials. This is so, because anyone who understands armed forces – the history, military tradition and institutional structure – knows that operation or force names are cultural symbols, not ideological manifestos. The culture of naming operations and exercises is older than modern warfare and militaries across the globe use evocative names for operations and exercises – sometimes as a code for secrecy, motivation and more often for messaging deterrence to the adversary as much as public consumption. From earliest days of independent India, armed forces have drawn names from mythology, Sanskrit, geography and abstract concepts. This practice cuts across political regimes led by Congress, BJP or coalitions. In 1984, almost four decades prior to the debate, Indian Army launched Operation Meghdoot to secure Siachen Glacier. The name comes from Kalidasa’s Sanskrit classic Meghaduta (Cloud Messenger from Hindu Cosmology) where an exiled Yaksha asks a cloud to carry a message to his beloved in the Himalayas. Name was chosen, as it was apt reflection of the nature of operation wherein Indian troops were airlifted like clouds into Himalayan heights. It was nothing but a cultural resonance. The name of recently concluded operation Sindoor has been used as evidence to create a discourse that Army is getting communalized or saffronised. Rationale for the name is very clear. Terrorists in Pahalgam targeted married Hindu men, widowing women overnight. Sindoor (vermilion) symbolizes marital bond in Indian culture. Naming the operation which was primarily a retaliatory action against such a heinous crime selectively inflicted on the majority community of the country was meant to be a tribute to victims and their families, not as a religious decree. Branding it as ideologically motivated reflects ignorance as well as crafty effort to question secular credentials of the armed forces. The act of symbolism and resolve when questioned post-operation Sindoor, a defense ministry official had said, “There is no single written policy on naming. Choices are pragmatic, contextual and meant to evoke resolve.” More often than not, the ideas get generated at very junior level and accepted as such to keep the initiative alive. The writer of “Hindu Names for Military Operations: Treading a Dangerous Line” has been selective about names in recent times, without considering full spectrum since evolution of Indian Armed Forces. When names like Operation Trident (1971), Operation Shakti (1998) or Exercise Ashvamedha (2007) were chosen, no one accused the government of the day – the Congress-led in each case – of religious indoctrination. In the name “Operation Trident”, famous naval strike on Karachi in 1971, “trident” is nothing else than “Trishul”, the weapon of Lord Shiva. Operation Shakti, India’s nuclear test in 1998 drew the name from Goddess power in the Hindu philosophy. But then, these names were accepted as civilizational, not sectarian. When no questions were Congress raised then, why do it now? To illustrate that there is neither any disruption in naming the operations nor is any correlation with appointment of CDS, it is important to analyze few names that relate to the pre and post-2014 era. Era Operation/Exercise Name Year Origin/Meaning Mythological/ Cultural link Pre-2014 Operation Meghdoot 1984 Kalidasa’s Meghadoota Yaksha sends clouds to Himalayas Operation Trident 1971 Trident (Trishul) Weapon of Lord Shiva Operation Pawan 1987 Pawan = Wind Vedic Deity Operation Shakti 1998 Shakti = Power Goddess Power Exercise Ashvamedha 2007 Royal Horse sacrifice Ancient Hindu Ritual Exercise Sudarshan Shakti 2011 Sudarshan Chakra Vishnu’s discus Missiles Prithvi, Agni, Akash, Nag Ongoing Fire, Earth, Sky, Serpent Vedic / Hindu roots Exercise Indra Ongoing Indra = God of rain Vedic deity Post 2014 Operation Maitri 2015 Maitree = Friendship Sanskrit, Budhist ethos Exercise Shatrujeet 2016 Shatrujeet = Enemy Conqueror Sanskrit motivational If Armed Forces were being transformed to suit a particular religion, their names and demography would also have started changing. Instead, the regimental system remains plural – Sikh Regiment, Rajputana Rifles, Maratha Light Infantry, Punjab Regiment, Assam Regiment, Madras regiment, Gorkha Regiment, Brigade of Guards, and so on – each maintaining regional, caste or faith-based traditions. The very regimentation of Indian Armed Forces is proof of pluralism. If the army was being saffronised as claimed by Aiyar, there would be a written directive mandating Hindu names. Whether it is regiments, exercises or operations, they would all start assuming names relating to Hindu religion only. Unlike compulsory recruitment of persons of religions based on which regiments exist only Hindus will get recruited. Likewise, promotion criteria will change. There would be no non-Hindu tenanting critical appointments such as Chief of Army / Navy / Air Force. Contrary to this, what we see is continuity: a mixture of neutral, mythological and cultural names chosen for operational and symbolic value. Seen through Cognitive Warfare lens, such narratives follow a familiar toolkit: disinformation (casting doubts on facts by portraying cultural symbolism as ideological capture), amplification (mainstreaming selective examples while ignoring historical continuity) and de-legitimization (eroding trust in one of the most patriotic institutions). We saw a similar pattern when opposition leaders questioned authenticity of 2016 Surgical Strikes and 2019 Balakot airstrike. In each case, rumour and

Bharat Business Economy Policy

403

Tax Reforms Ahoy!

Modi government’s GST 2.0 reforms would make taxation more compliant, leave more money with people, take Bharat into a different league. K.A.Badarinath Goods and Services Tax was once sold as ‘one nation one tax’ by Narendra Modi led NDA government when it was first introduced on July 1, 2017 in Bharat. After 13-years of painful and protracted negotiation with states led by different political formations, multiple taxes at different levels were subsumed into this federal tax aimed at easing burden on businesses, taxpayers and reduce evasion. This single biggest tax reform brought in by Modi government was however seen with apprehension by a few stakeholders and several opposition parties that headed state governments. Today, most Indians are convinced that the reform path laid down by Narendra Modi government was firm, forward looking and easy to comply with. As on date, about 160 countries implement the GST or Value Added Tax (VAT) in some form or the other beginning with France in 1954. Though, India has been a late entrant into this taxation regime, it matured fast, compliance improved and held the tax mobilization campaign in last eight years on an even keel without disturbing the delicate applecart with 29 states and eight union territories. Revenue neutral rates for GST report put together by then Chief Economic Advisor, Arvind Subramanian, in December 2015 ahead the rollout studied Canada, European Union, China, Australia and Indonesia to make his recommendations. Subramanian had pointed to challenges in implementing a ‘dual rate structure’ in a federal system like ours. Similarly, Reserve Bank of India (RBI) report of 2017 had emphasised on big implementation risks faced by sovereign governments globally while implementing the GST. From evasion, under-reporting, cash deals, unregistered businesses, splitting invoices to making false claims, RBI flagged several issues in the implementation. World Bank that tracked initial years of GST implementation in India had underscored huge risks given the complexity of Bharat’s markets driven by states and local governments. But, the political leadership under Prime Minister Modi took a conscious call to implement GST, ease out the taxation burden on the system and get into the global league of ‘best compliant nations’. There were several naysayers across the spectrum. Prime Minister Modi and his economic ‘A’ team did not relent. It went ahead with roll out and implementing the dual GST with multiple rates akin to Canada which is the nearest in comparison. And, it’s for everyone to experience the impact and resultant taxation regime that delivered in eight years. Value Added Tax, State and Central Sales Tax apart from a multitude of imposts were replaced by the unified GST. This successful model served as a big trigger for Modi government to take up the next big reform measure and ring in the GST 2.0 regime beginning September 22 this year. On Wednesday, GST Council headed by Finance Minister, Nirmala Sitharaman, went into ten hour marathon huddle to thrash out two rate structure replacing the multiple slabs, provide massive relief to the hoi polloi. More than reworking the GST slabs to two at five per cent and 18 per cent, the biggest move was to do away with the12 per cent and 28 per cent slabs that were huge on revenue earnings for the government. One estimate suggests that by moving 99 per cent goods and services from 12 per cent to five per cent bracket or completely exempting daily use items from tax impost, Modi – Sitharaman played big by foregoing Rs 48,000 crore revenues in next two quarters of this fiscal. If one were to factor in the huge tax concessions of Rs 100,000 crore announced in Union Budget on February 1, 2025 and GST rate cuts as well as exemptions, middle-class and salaried classes gain substantially. Exempting both life and non-life insurance products from levy of GST is yet another big reform measure given the social security gaps prevalent across sections. Big gainers in this GST reform are farmers, women, youth and vulnerable sections that feel the pinch of high taxation. Most daily use items have been taken away from GST ambit with nil taxes. From bread, channa to paneer, all these come without taxes. Latest round of GST reforms have a serious socio, economic and political messaging as well. Leaving more money with the people that would widen and deepen the consumption basket would also push up economic growth from expected 6.5 per cent this fiscal. If one were to take exempted items, ‘sin’ and ultra-luxury goods rate of 40 per cent that include tobacco products, the two trick-ponies would partly offset the impact of US tariffs at 50 per cent and trigger economic growth. These tax reforms have not come in without adequate confabulation and computation by the economic managers. This was coming! Prime Minister Modi himself had hinted at GST reforms from ramparts of Red Fort in his Independence Day speech last month. It’s not fait accompli or desperation. It’s a well thought out reform measure that would lay an important brick in the foundation for developed Bharat. It’s early Deepawali for all! Companies, service providers – both domestic and foreign – are bound to rejoice and make merry like the consumers. Great festivities ahead! (Author is Director and Chief Executive of New Delhi based non-partisan think tank, Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies)

Hindus Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)

368

100 Years’ Journey of RSS: New Horizons

As the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh enters its Centenary Year, a special 3-day lecture and interaction series of “100 Years’ Journey of RSS: New Horizons” was organised at Vigyan Bhawan, New Delhi, from 26–28 August 2025. The event, marked by thoughtful deliberations and inspiring addresses, brought together swayamsevaks, intellectuals, foreign dignitaries from more than 20 countries viz., US, UK, Russia, China, Germany, Japan, Australia, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Argentina, Malaysia, Indonesia, New Zealand, Uzbekistan, ⁠Kazakistan, Denmark, ⁠ Isreal, (to name a few), foreign media viz., BBC, AFP, DW, Sputnik, Reuters, NYT, WSJ, Kyodo News and many others, to look back and see the future. Sarsanghchalak, Dr. Mohan Bhagwat Ji, in his keynote address presented a deep insight into the Sangh’s journey since 1925. He brought before the gathering the fact that the Sangh had not been born due to some passing cause, but due to a timeless civilisational requirement, to cultivate character, cohesion, and service in society. He noted that whereas Sangh’s first one hundred years have been committed to establishing a robust infrastructure and national consciousness, the coming century will require newer models of involvement in the areas of education, technology, nature, culture, and international discoursed. During the three days, there were thematic sessions discussing crucial aspects of the Sangh’s contribution: Nation First and Social Harmony, Civilisational Continuity in a Changing World, and Empowering Communities for Self-Reliant Bharat. Representatives from various walks of life deliberated on how the Sangh’s quiet and consistent efforts in villages, towns, and cities have brought up a generation with sanskars and with the confidence to tackle contemporary issues. The exchanges brought out one shared spirit: that the 100-year RSS pilgrimage is not so much a history of expansion, but a living witness to the dynamism of selfless service and cultural consciousness. As Sangh embarks on its second century, the challenge is to widen horizons, adopting inclusiveness, innovativeness, and greater social connect, yet staying rooted in the fundamental vision of ekatmata, sewa, aur rashtra-nirman (unity, service, and nation-building). Three day event at Vigyan Bhawan ended with a fresh commitment, that the Centenary of RSS will not only marks a glorious past but also plant the seeds of a brighter, harmonious, and self-assured Bharat for the future generations. “Sanghachhadhwam, Samvadadhwam, Sam Vo Manamsi Janatam” (Let us move together, let us speak together, let our minds be in harmony.) — Rig Veda

China Geopolitics International Leadership Policy

331

Keeping The Window Open!

Delicate balancing of relations between US, China & Russia is test of Bharat’s foreign policy framework that centres on strategic autonomy. K.A.Badarinath Will there be a huge shift in Bharat’s foreign policy framework? Or, possible tilt towards China, Russia conglomeration, a permanent feature? Will this lead to increased distancing between India and US under Republican White House stewardship? What’s in store on geo-political, strategic and economic engagement for Bharat and the world? There are several unanswered and unsettling questions that pop up in inter-personal conversations and on the information highways as one scans on Google, Weibo to Douyin. Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to China and Japan has set off a flurry of conversations internationally. Both, Beijing and Tokyo are most intrinsic foes that do not have much in common especially after the war leading to Japan’s surrender in 1945. Several questions that analysts, anchors and seasoned newsmen are also awe-stuck given that in the first place he lined up the visits to both China and Japan in one go. Secondly, not only do they keep distance but belong to two diametrically opposite camps but have huge issues in global equations. While China and Russia have had rivalled US-led NATO group, Japan falls into the latter alliance. Thirdly, this visit of Prime Minister Modi is significant in the backdrop of United States President Donald Trump weaponising trade, imposing 50 per cent tariff on Bharat’s goods and services and thereby burning bridges. Fourthly, Prime Minister Modi’s two nation visit gained prominence as the ‘global south’ network seeks to consolidate its position via the Shanghai Cooperation Organization whose twentieth session was held in Tianjin as China holds the rotating chair as of now. Fifth, most analysts think that Bharat’s ‘strategic autonomy’ policy framework is being put to test with re-setting its relations vis-à-vis US and China. Sixth, however, top hawks in Bharat’s foreign affairs department do expect the relations with United States to bounce back to normalcy as had happened in the past after Washington DC imposed unilateral sanctions in aftermath of Pokharan nuclear tests. Seventh, the probability of a ‘delicate balancing act’ that New Delhi would enact with caution but firmness of purpose as its near time posturing without yielding to bullying tactics of US. Eighth, there’s no reason why Bharat should not continue oil trade with Russia or any other country depending on prevailing market conditions. Neither US nor Europe have locus standi to corner Bharat citing oil trade given their own continued ‘lucrative gas deals’ with Russia and its partners. Ninth, Prime Minister Modi’s visit to both Japan and China indicate that Bharat has the depth to manage diversities. For instance, enhancing Japanese investments to US $ 68 billion from $ 34 billion through 170 deals is a big take away for both Bharat and Japan who enjoy strategic and special relationship. This is a firm message for US that sought to dry up the foreign investment pipeline in Bharat to push for a ‘bad trade deal’. By not participating in a significant programme to commemorate China’s victory over Japan is again a big message to Beijing that New Delhi has its friends elsewhere as well. Bilateral summit between Prime Minister Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping has been regarded as pivotal to ‘resetting relations’ as development partners and ‘not as rivals’. While the intent is good, first step has been taken to normalise relations, there are several challenges especially on borders, Belt and Roads Initiative that brings Chinese projects to the doorstep via Pakistan occupied Jammu and Kashmir. Apprehensions seem to be very high on both over outcome of these meetings even as China and Bharat ready to celebrate 75-years of diplomatic relations. One significant point made by Prime Minister Modi that has gone viral was border peace and tranquillity was like an insurance policy for future enduring relations. Can the dragon and elephant in the room tango seamlessly is a billion dollar question as resetting of relations is attempted. As one Chinese scholar wrote ‘it’s rational choice and shared responsibility for both India and China to reset relations’. A big take away is a meeting between Prime Minister Modi and Russian President Vladimir Putin with carpooling and Ridge Carlton delegation level talks happening in a ‘delightful’ atmosphere. The visuals and videos of Modi, Putin traveling in a Russian made car throwing protocols to winds is not something European Union or US will want to watch. Given that US described Russia and Ukraine conflict as ‘Modi’s war’ has had no impact on the two leaders’ summit deliberations that extended a wee-bit. Also, 2025 marks 15 years of Indo-Russian strategic relationship that would come into full play later this year. From Bharat’s perspective, there have been a few takeaways from 20-members SCO summit. Unadulterated condemnation of Pahalgam attack by terrorists from across the borders is what India expected and achieved. Also, expanding trade relations between different SCO member countries with payments squared off in respective currencies is big. This would also mean that increasingly trade would get delinked from US dollar and euro while Chinese Renminbi, Russian rouble and Indian Rupee would gain in terms of acceptability. While the show in China came to a near close, the implications of new found friendship between Presidents’ Xi, Putin and Prime Minister Modi will result in sleepless nights for those in Trump administration and Brussels, housing headquarters of European Union. (Author is Director and Chief Executive of New Delhi based non-partisan think tank, Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies) Keeping The Window Open!

Bali Jatra Reflects Bharat’s Maritime Prowess

Guest Column International Policy Security

648

Bali Jatra Reflects Bharat’s Maritime Prowess

India and Southeast Asia share civilizational connect, maritime and cultural heritage that’s now dubbed as Global South. Dr Aniket Pingley Connections between India and Southeast Asia go back more than two thousand years, shaped by vast waters of Indian Ocean. These seas were not barriers but bridges, linking ports of ancient India with the islands and coastal regions of what we now call Southeast Asia. Merchants, monks, artisans and travelers carried more than goods; they carried stories, languages, faiths and practices. Over time, these exchanges left enduring marks on societies from Sumatra to the Malay Peninsula and beyond. In many ways, Southeast Asia became a mirror that reflected civilizational outreach of Bharat. Trade was the most visible layer of this relationship. India exported textiles, spices, beads and ivory while importing gold, tin, camphor and exotic wood from Southeast Asia. These exchanges were never limited to commerce alone. Maritime routes were also pathways for ideas. Ramayana and the Mahabharata were retold in local languages; Sanskrit and later Pali shaped courts and religious practices and Indian temple architecture inspired monuments from Angkor in Cambodia to Borobudur in Indonesia. The very names of places such as Yogyakarta, Ayutthaya and Srivijaya testify to these cultural flows. These interactions reveal how India’s influence went beyond its borders helping to form cosmopolitan societies in Southeast Asia that were both rooted in local traditions and open to outside influences. Diplomatic and political exchanges played an important role. Rulers in Java, Bali and Sumatra often drew on Indian ideas of kingship, legitimizing their authority through symbols and rituals derived from the subcontinent. The legend of King Airlangga of Java, for example, shows how Indian epics and models of governance were woven into local traditions [5]. Similarly, in Malay Peninsula, early polities combined maritime trade with cultural borrowing from India, laying the foundations for the region’s lasting connections with the subcontinent [7]. These layers of connection commercial, cultural, religious and political formed a civilizational network that is now increasingly referred to as “Global South.” India’s historic outreach demonstrated how societies of South could link with each other, exchange resources, and build hybrid cultures without external domination. This perspective is particularly important today as countries of Asia, Africa, and Latin America seek greater cooperation outside the traditional frameworks of the West [7]. Bali Jatra: Memory of the Ocean Voyages Odisha, known as Kalinga in ancient times, was a formidable maritime power. Its strategic location along Bharat’s eastern coast made it a hub for trade and cultural exchange. Major ports like Tamralipti, Palur and Manikapatna were bustling centres of commerce, facilitating movement of goods and ideas between India and Southeast Asia. It is in this context that festival of Bali Jatra (Baliyatra), celebrated in Cuttack, Odisha, hold such significance. Literally meaning “voyage to Bali,” the festival commemorates the journeys once undertaken by Sadhabas or Odia merchants, who sailed across the Bay of Bengal to trade with Java, Bali, Sumatra and other parts of Southeast Asia [1][2]. During full moon of Kartik Purnima every year, families in Odisha still set afloat small boats made of banana bark, paper, or cork, symbolizing vessels that once braved seas. The Balinese celebration of Nyepi, Hindu New Year, bears similarities to rituals of Kartik Purnima in Odisha. Both festivals involve offerings to the gods, prayers for prosperity and rituals closely tied to agricultural and maritime cycles. The practice is more than a regional ritual; it is a living archive of India’s maritime past. Bali Jatra reminds us that Indian Ocean trade was not incidental but central to Bharat’s engagement with Southeast Asia. At its height, these voyages established a dense web of relationships that enriched both sides. For Southeast Asia, Indian traders brought goods and technologies that supported local economies. For India, the voyages opened access to new markets, resources and cultural influences. The festival, therefore, is not only about nostalgia but also about acknowledging an interconnected past. Today, Bali Jatra has grown into one of the largest open-air fairs in Asia, attracting millions of visitors [3]. It showcases not just Odisha’s heritage but wider story of India’s role in maritime Asia. The festival includes cultural performances, food, handicrafts, and exhibitions that highlight the living traditions of seafaring communities. It also increasingly serves as a site of cultural diplomacy, inviting participation from Southeast Asian countries whose histories are tied to these voyages. Contemporary Relevance & Policy Play The significance of Bali Jatra does not end with heritage. It has clear implications for policy and diplomacy in the present. India and ASEAN today are strategic partners, cooperating in trade, security and cultural exchange. Yet for these partnerships to deepen, they need narratives that bind them beyond statistics. Bali Jatra provides one such narrative, rooted in shared history and civilizational connect. For Bharat’s policymakers, the festival is an example of India’s civilizational diplomacy. The presence of diplomats and foreign representatives at recent Bali Jatra celebrations shows growing recognition of its potential [3]. By inviting Southeast Asian leaders, academics, and artists to participate in the event, India can use the festival to create dialogues that are both cultural and strategic. Such engagements could align with forums like the Delhi Dialogue and ASEAN–India summits [8], making cultural heritage an integral part of foreign policy. For Southeast Asian nations, acknowledging festivals like Bali Jatra opens space to emphasize shared heritage while respecting national diversity. Countries such as Indonesia and Malaysia, where Indian cultural imprints remain visible, can view these connections not as relics of the past but as foundations for renewed cooperation. Policy research papers from think tanks such as Institute of Strategic and International Studies Malaysia already suggest that cultural diplomacy can strengthen the Comprehensive Strategic Partnership between India and Malaysia [6]. Similarly, Indonesian scholars point to the shared legacy of figures like King Airlangga as a reminder of intertweaved histories [4]. For the academic community, Bali Jatra offers a platform for dialogue on the meaning of the Global South. As scholars note, the Global South is not only

Bharat Economy Policy United States USA World

370

Options Galore!

Putting in place long term policy framework on trade, investments, currencies, geo-political alignments to protect Bharat’s interests must be priority. K.A.Badarinath United States President Donald Trump’s adversarial tariff policy on India has largely been regarded ‘flip flop’ hinting at fluid stance and diabolical in spirit and content. From being most favoured trading ally with minimal tariff proposal of 10 per cent in April 2025, India has been bracketed in the list of enemy countries that attract highest impost of 50 per cent. Numbers and data apart, there has been a lot of noise, nervousness and anxiety as clock ticked 4 pm in last few days in India. It’s at about that time of the day Trump first announced 25 per cent and later doubled it to 50 per cent triggering a flurry of activity. Old timers did not miss the drama, show shah and high decibel drama that Trump put on these days targeting one or other trading partners. It was the turn of Bharat in last few days. A 21-day window announced for tariffs to kick in signalled that Trump was open to negotiation before inking the trade deal. It’s one way of exerting pressure on New Delhi’s negotiators to sign on a ‘bad trade deal’ which means granting US unhindered access to agriculture, fisheries and dairy sector in India. President Trump’s optimism to drive a hard bargain also reflects from his statement, “it’s only been eight hours, let’s see what happens…you are going to see a lot more and some secondary sanctions”. The eight hour time frame referred to by Trump hints at his ‘wait, watch and strike’ attitude in the midst of serious negotiations. Contrary to drama associated with Trump’s diatribe, India’s response has been mature, measured and nuanced in last fortnight within and outside the parliament. Unreasonable, unfair and unjustified is how India described Trump’s executive order on 50 per cent levy. For the first time, Prime Minister Narendra Modi stuck his neck out and took it upon himself the consequences of tariffs tantrums thrown by President Trump. Modi said unequivocally that he was willing to pay a heavy personal price as Trump’s tariffs would impact large number of labour intensive and rural sectors. First, Prime Minister Modi has taken personal responsibility for the impact trade pact and tariffs would have on 1.4 billion plus Indians. Modi’s statement at M.S.Swaminathan International Centenary Conference on Thursday is very significant. He’s not willing to compromise on protecting farmers, rural people interests and labour intensive industrial sectors. Also, he was willing to face the political flak and pay heavy personal price on consequences given opposition parties’ intransigent line on United States. Prime Minister Modi understands that throwing open the agriculture sector to US is not only economically unviable but politically unsalable to the core Hindu vote bank, Sangh parivar and the ecosystem. On factual analysis, Modi government will have to deal with adverse impact on GDP growth of 0.2 – 0.4 per cent in case tariffs finally stay at 25 per cent during this fiscal. Top analysts estimate that entire US $ 86.5 billion annual goods exports from India to United States may turn non-competitive or commercially viable. Given that US is top market for India and constitutes about 18 per cent of its global goods exports and constitutes 2.2 per cent GDP, strains have begun to appear on near future. Given Prime Minister Modi’s steadfast commitment to protect India’s national interests, Indian negotiators are breathing easy. The proposed 50 per cent duties, if they kick in finally, translate to unannounced trade sanctions or embargo on India thereby worsening the strain in relations between the two countries. One big fall out that’s largely speculated was that India may not buy F-35 stealth fighter jet aircraft from United States. Factual position so far is that after US offered to sell these jets, formal negotiations have not yet begun. And, these discussions may remain a non-starter. Secondly, India may consider imposing retaliatory duties on 28 US products including its apples and walnuts given the precedent in 2019 to counter restrictive levies Washington DC had imposed on Indian steel and aluminium products. Thirdly, the arc of dis-engagement between India and US may widen for the time being unless recalibrates its trade and tariff policies. Fourthly, an aggressive campaign may be launched by the ruling party and the government to go local and opt for ‘made in India’ products and services. Fifthly, Prime Minister Narendra Modi may mobilize people in socio-economic spheres for adapting ‘swadeshi’. Sixthly, realigning India’s trade, investment, economic, geo-strategic relations may be a big option. Russia, China and other countries engagement may be enhanced to counter-balance US Republican White House under President Trump’s stewardship. Aligning with countries like Brazil who have been put on high tariff line by US could be an option. Seventhly, present developments may lead to expanding time tested foreign policy of strategic autonomy to protect India’s offensive and defensive interests. This may also be the right moment to promote south – south trade engagement. Eighthly, upcoming conclaves of Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), Quad and BRICS may be occasions for India to sharpen its policy framework for global engagement. Ninthly, evolving an independent financial architecture, decoupling from US dollar or hastening BRICS currency to opt for diversification in payments may also be considered. Tenthly, putting in place medium and long term policy on currencies and oil will go the India way. (Author is Director and Chief Executive of non-partisan New Delhi based think tank, Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies)

Bharat Hindus

342

Insight: Explaining Caste

Pre-colonial Indian studies, historic roots, social practices expose Christian, Western framework on caste to drive agenda-based narratives. In Hindutva, Varna and Jaati are distinct concepts often conflated as “Caste” in Western discourse, causing confusion. Varna, rooted in texts like Rig Veda and Bhagavad Gita, is a theoretical framework dividing society into four functional roles based on capacities, qualities and duties they undertake: Brahmins (scholars, priests), Kshatriyas (rulers, warriors), Vaishyas (merchants, farmers) and Shudras (labourers, service providers). Bhagavad Gita (4.13) stresses that Varna depends on actions and character, not birth, though it later became hereditary. Jaati, by contrast, refers to thousands of birth-based, localized groups linked to specific regions, occupations or traditions shaping social interactions in India. For instance, a single Varna like Kshatriya may encompass multiple Jaatis varying by region and time (Srinivas, M.N., 1985, Caste in Modern India). The term “Caste,” introduced by Portuguese colonizers (“casta,” meaning lineage) oversimplifies Varna and Jaati into a rigid hierarchy. Western views often mischaracterize Caste as a uniform, oppressive system unique to Hindutva ignoring its historical fluidity, regional diversity and parallels to class or guild systems elsewhere. This perspective overstates Brahmin dominance sidelining non-Brahmin roles in Hindu society (Dirks, Nicholas B., 2001, Castes of Mind). In paragraphs below, usage of caste refers to this complex, interdependent and layered architecture of Jaati and Varna and is used for simplicity purposes only.

Defence Economy Kashmir Pakistan Policy Security Technology

420

India’s Home Grown Defence Ascent

From Kargil war to Operation Sindoor, Indian forces have undergone transformational changes in capabilities, capacities & outlook. Brig Brijesh Pandey Twenty-six years ago, in May 1999, just as global accolades for Lahore Declaration echoed, Pakistani forces crossed Line of Control (LoC) in Kargil sector of Jammu and Kashmir, masked as “freedom fighters.” By occupying winter-vacated heights of Dras, Kaksar, Batalik, and Mushkoh, Pakistan’s Northern Light Infantry flagrantly violated international norms, bilateral accords and established military conventions. This covert infiltration was aimed at enlarging the arc of terrorism and reigniting global attention on Kashmir through deceitful aggression. India responded with Operation VIJAY under self-imposed constraints that precluded crossing Line of Control or deploying air power in Pakistani airspace. These limitations notwithstanding, Indian Armed Forces reclaimed the heights after a gruelling 54-day campaign suffering 527 fatalities and 1,363 injuries. Kargil conflict exposed glaring weaknesses in India’s military preparedness, particularly in surveillance, logistics, indigenous weapons systems and joint command structures. The post-war Kargil Review Committee catalysed vital structural reforms and laid groundwork for a transformation that would take shape over next two decades. Catalyst for Defence Modernisation Lessons of Kargil underscored that bravery alone did not compensate for systemic gaps. The government responded with sweeping institutional and strategic changes: Despite initial inertia and bureaucratic roadblocks, the foundations laid after Kargil began to take effect post 2014, when the government designed a vision for New India and exhibited the political will for a full-fledged indigenous defence ecosystem. Structural and Policy-Level Overhauls R&D and Innovation Ecosystem India has taken commendable step by establishing Anusandhan National Research Foundation with a proposed ₹ 1 Lakh Crore Research & Innovation Fund and steps such as: Indigenous Force Multipliers India’s self-reliant defence strategy is exemplified by an expanding portfolio of homegrown systems: Operation Sindoor: A Defining Moment in Indigenous Warfare On 07 May 2025, following a terror attack in Pahalgam, India launched Operation Sindoor a precision, tech-enabled retaliation that lasted just 22 minutes but left a lasting impact. Unlike the fragmented Kargil campaign, this was a demonstration of a fully integrated and indigenous warfighting ecosystem: A comparative snapshot of capabilities of Indian Armed Forces during Kargil vis-à-vis Operation Sindoor can be summed up as: Category Kargil (1999) Operation Sindoor (2025) Surveillance Foreign satellites Indigenous ISR networks, drones Artillery Swedish Bofors ATAGS, Dhanush, Vajra K9 Air Power Mirage 2000, MiG-21 Tejas Mk1A, drones, PGMs Intelligence Fragmented Real-time networked Cyber & EW Minimal Advanced indigenous capabilities Import Dependency 70%+ Majority of systems Indian-made Strategic Implications India’s growing strength in indigenous defence production carries significant strategic implications. It positions the country as a credible two-front deterrent, prepared to respond to potential threats along both its western and northern borders. Regionally, India is emerging as a power capable of projecting military influence from the Andaman Sea to the African coastline. On the global stage, India is carving out a role as a defence exporter, expanding its presence across Southeast Asia, Africa, and Latin America. Furthermore, it is asserting itself as a leader of the Global South by presenting a scalable, technology-driven model of self-reliance that other developing nations may aspire to emulate. Persistent Challenges Despite India’s impressive strides in indigenous defence capability, several structural and operational challenges persist. Bureaucratic inertia continues to impede the pace of procurement, often causing critical delays in the acquisition of essential equipment. In the realm of research and development, with stagnant R&D at 0.3% of GDP and Gross Expenditure on R&D (GERD) at 0.64% as against 2.64% of GERD of China Israel’s 5.6% R&D-to-GDP ratio supported by dense web of university-industry linkages, military R&D, and start up ecosystem. Innovation is not a by-product of industrial growth, it is pre-condition and modest levels of R&D funding levels limit the scope and speed of innovation. Additionally, India’s defence testing infrastructure has yet to scale proportionally with the growing production capacity, creating bottlenecks in quality assurance and deployment timelines. On the export front, while Indian defence products are gaining international attention, there is a pressing need for stronger global marketing mechanisms and streamlined certification processes to effectively compete in international markets. Dawn of Strategic Sovereignty From frozen heights of Kargil to precision battlefields of Operation Sindoor, India has undergone profound military metamorphosis. This evolution reflects not just technological innovation, but a strategic vision rooted in resilience, sovereignty, and civil-military synergy. As India approaches its centenary of independence in 2047, the foundation laid by these two watershed moments will continue to shape its trajectory as a confident, capable, and autonomous power in the global order. (Author is a defence analyst, former military advisor and commanded an artillery brigade)

Deconstruction of Caste: Dismantling Misconceptions

Human Rights Policy

295

Deconstruction of Caste: Dismantling Misconceptions

Dr Aniket Pingley Dr. B. R. Ambedkar’s seminal 1916 paper, “Castes in India: Their Mechanism, Genesis and Development,” delivered at Columbia University stands as a profound scholarly effort to dismantle misconceptions about caste. Rather than accepting popular notions of caste as a divinely sanctioned religious institution or a system imposed nationally by Brahmins, Ambedkar rigorously applied ethnological and sociological tools to uncover its true nature as social technology. His work, as presented in the white paper, reveals that perpetuation and spread of caste are rooted in distinct mechanisms rather than conscious religious or hierarchical decree. Challenging Myth of Religious Sanction Ambedkar fundamentally disagreed with definitions of caste that focused on “surface features” like “food taboos, pollution, occupation, or social exclusivity,” arguing that these “were not essential”. Instead, in his paper, he asserted, “Endogamy is the only characteristic that is peculiar to caste”. This was a “decisive claim”: caste’s core is not about religion or rituals, but about “regulating marriage” with all other traits being secondary and serving only to “reinforce this boundary”. To elaborate, Ambedkar began by clearly defining two crucial anthropological terms: exogamy and endogamy. Exogamy refers to the practice of marrying outside one’s own group, a custom that was common in early Indian society, particularly among clans and gotras, and which historically served to expand social bonds. In contrast, endogamy means marrying within one’s own group, thereby establishing a clear boundary and restricting marital unions exclusively to those inside it. Ambedkar emphasized that Indian society, despite its diverse ethnic make-up, possessed a fundamental cultural unity and was originally characterized by exogamy as a “creed”. He argued that very creation of caste in India was result of “superposition of endogamy on exogamy”. This meant that a society that naturally tended towards intermixing and fusion through exogamous practices was artificially fragmented by forceful introduction of endogamy, halting the free circulation of people and creating distinct, closed communities. Thus, for Ambedkar, caste hinges entirely on the rigorous enforcement of endogamy. “Endogamy is the only characteristic that is peculiar to caste.” He meticulously demonstrated how the very existence of caste hinges on the rigorous maintenance of endogamy. When a group committed to marrying only within itself, it faced a “demographic logic” problem: “marital balance”. The inevitable presence of “surplus” individuals (widows and widowers) threatened to violate endogamy if they remarried outside the group. To solve this, society developed “means” — social mechanisms to maintain endogamy. Ambedkar identified three primary customs, often mistakenly viewed as religious ideals: Crucially, Ambedkar directly rejected spiritual or philosophical justifications for these customs in his analysis. He argued that these “high-flown and ingenious sophistry” were “invented to justify practices that already existed”. He powerfully stated, “The very fact that these customs were so highly eulogized proves that they needed eulogy for their prevalence”. He saw them not as expressions of devotion, but as “practical tools” and “strategic adaptations” designed to solve the structural problem of maintaining endogamy. Thus, Ambedkar exposed how caste operated through “biopolitical control”, where “women’s bodies became the site where caste was enforced,” sacrificing their freedom and survival for the system’s preservation. This demonstrates that caste was preserved by “deliberate enforcement,” not divine will. No Brahmin Imposition Ambedkar firmly refuted the widespread belief that caste was “imposed by a divine lawgiver — like Manu” or that Brahmins “consciously imposed caste system on entire Hindu population”. He stated, “It is unimaginable that the law of caste was given”. He argued that Manu merely “codified” existing caste rules and “preached Caste Dharma,” but “certainly he did not and could not ordain the present order of Hindu Society”. Similarly, while acknowledging Brahmins “became the first caste” by “socially detach[ing] themselves” and creating a “closed-door policy”, he explicitly stated that “imposing of caste system on non-Brahmin population was beyond their mettle”. They “may have helped the process by their glib philosophy, but they certainly could not have pushed their scheme beyond their own confines”. The “spread and growth of the Caste system is too gigantic a task to be achieved by the power or cunning of an individual or of a class”. “The Brahmins may have been guilty of many things, and I dare say they were, but the imposing of the caste system on the non-Brahmin population was beyond their mettle”. Instead, Ambedkar proposed two “powerful explanations” for the multiplication and spread of caste across India, which he called a “psychological process” (imitation) and a “mechanical process” (exclusion): “The infection of imitation… caught all these sub-divisions… and turned them into castes.” These two forces — “Prestige-seeking imitation” and “mechanical social closure” — explain how caste spread and solidified into a complex system without a single, deliberate imposition or divine command. In essence, Ambedkar’s white paper revealed that caste is not a sacred mandate or a grand Brahminical conspiracy, but rather a “social system governed by status, hierarchy, and control over marriage”. It is a “parcelling of an already homogeneous unit” of Indian society into thousands of endogamous units. He offered a scientific framework, urging that to truly dismantle caste, one must first grasp its “mechanisms”: “How it begins, How it survives, And how it spreads”. Ambedkar’s analysis, as laid out in his paper, can be likened to a forensic investigation: rather than accepting hearsay or superficial religious narratives, he meticulously examined the societal “crime scene” of caste. By tracing the “fingerprints” of endogamy and its “tools” (sati, widowhood, child marriage), he demonstrated the systemic and structural nature of the “offense,” revealing it as a deliberate social construct, not an act of divine or centralized authority. (Author is an accomplished computer scientist, educator, and holds expertise in media content strategy)

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