Bharat Disinformation Hindus Misinformation Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)

It’s By Design and Agenda!

Write up in The Diplomat, CSRR report against Hindus, RSS & Bharat’s diaspora is factually incorrect, misleading & spreads fear! Madhusudhana Hebbar A write up in The Diplomat, titled “Decoding Hindutva’s US Operations,” published on October 27, 2025 attempts to unveil what it portrays as a network of Hindu nationalist organizations in United States, allegedly tied to India’s Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and purportedly pose a threat to American equality and religious pluralism. Drawing extensively from May 2025 report by Rutgers University’s Center for Security, Race, and Rights (CSRR), titled “Hindutva in America: A Threat to Equality and Religious Pluralism,” the piece labels Hindutva as a “supremacist” ideology comparable to fascism or white supremacy. But the article is marred by factual inaccuracies, logical inconsistencies; innuendos and a biased narrative that stigmatizes Hindu Americans. CSRR report itself has been questioned for its methodological flaws, including cherry-picking evidence, false equivalences and lack of community input. The report and the article wrongly portray cultural pride as supremacy while ignoring Hindutva’s roots in inclusivity and principles like vasudhaiva kutumbakam (the world is one family). A core inconsistency emerges in the article’s handling of RSS connections internationally. While the write up cites RSS website on not having any affiliates abroad, it still adventures to bracket Hindu Swayamsevak Sangh as RSS international wing. Factually, there are no formal linkages whatsoever between the two organizations barring the Bharat, Bharatiyata and Hindus link. RSS website said, “RSS works only in Bharat. But it is possible that we will be able to connect you to some like-minded organization in your country. No concrete evidence of formal ties (if any) is provided; instead, the article relies on vague “people trails”- personal associations which tantamount to guilt by association. This tactic echoes historic smears and overlooks that US-based organizations like HSS operate independently to promote cultural education, yoga, family values, community service and preserve Hindu heritage in multi-cultural America and not as an RSS extension. As against what has been claimed in the write up, HSS has 267 shakhas or basic chapters across seven regions in the United State in 33 states. The assertion that “primary focus of RSS activities in US is to unify the Hindu diaspora with an India-centric approach and to raise funds from them for projects in India” is baseless, as RSS does not operate in the US. The write up does not support its claims accusing RSS of mobilizing funds illicitly for and from organisations like Ekal Vidyalaya Foundation. In contrast, Ekal Vidyalaya Foundation complies with US laws and focus on education in underserved areas of India. Supporting organizations back in Bharat working on its villages is not a crime. When Irish Americans supports Ireland or Jewish communities aid to Israel do not pose threat to US, then how do Bharat diaspora run Ekal become an issue? Yet another misleading charge made in the write up was that Hindutva organizations seek to “erase the history of caste-based atrocities” from US textbooks. This stems from 2005-17 California textbook controversy where Hindu American Foundation (HAF) and others advocated for equitable portrayal of Hinduism, akin to treatment of Islam or Judaism. Authors of The Diplomat write up sought to correct inaccuracies, highlight positive contributions like yoga and philosophy and distinguish ancient varna / jati systems from modern caste discrimination without denying historical issues. HAF had requested taking on board Dalit Hindu spiritual traditions framing this as a push for fairness, not erasure. Opponents labeled it whitewashing, but the process involved public hearings and resulted in balanced revisions. The talk of Global Hindu Heritage Foundation in funding “reconversion” of Indian Christians to Hinduism is again far from truth. The article provides no link to RSS or other listed groups. From publicly available data, it appears that GHHF operates focusing on preserving Hindu temples and culture. These activities are not illegal in US and pale in comparison to centuries of Christian missionary efforts in India towards evangelism, funded by millions of dollars from outside India. Claims about figures like Saumitra Gokhale as RSS “pracharak” rely on affiliations, not proof of covert operations. His role in HSS and related groups involve open community work focused on the organisation’s mission and vision including yoga instruction, holding camps, seminars, talks, workshops etc. The Diplomat article and CSRR report perpetuate a narrative that conflates cultural advocacy with extremism, risking the marginalization of Hindu Americans that constitute over two per cent of US population. It’s by design that their contribution through technology, medicine, and philanthropy has been ignored. Alarmist smears against Indian American Hindus sans evidence smacks of a pre-designed and agenda-based writing. The article fails to offer evidence on threats posed by American Hindus to the country’s commitment to equality and religious pluralism. A simple Google search for terms like Yoga, SNY (Surya Namaskar Yagna) GuruVandana, Adopt a Highway, beach cleaning or SewaDiwali reveal a wealth of community service initiatives undertaken by HSS and like-minded organizations to benefit the areas they serve. The article fails to include perspectives of any individual or organization mentioned (beyond HAF) while writing based purely on CSRR report. It’s truly unfortunate that a respected outlet like The Diplomat would publish a piece that reads more like a promotional pamphlet or propaganda for the CSRR report itself. Online hate has intensified with White House Deepawali events triggering racist campaigns calling for deportations and denouncing Hindu immigrants’ contribution through taxes, technology and innovation. The timing is no coincidence. The write up claims division when Hindu advocacy groups push for recognition and protection against hate crimes that have doubled. Rather than countering this bigotry, pieces like the one Diplomat fuel flames, risk real world violence against a community threatened by prejudice. (Author is an IIT Graduate Engineer, living in the greater Los Angeles area. He is engaged in coaching youngsters interested in Hindu civilizational history, universal values, and their modern-day relevance.)

Bharat Hindus Policy Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)

Vande Mataram to Trigger ‘Swa’!

From home grown tech, goods, services to Bharat’s way of resolving her problems would celebrate the spirit of ‘Swa’ to’swadeshi’! K.A.Badarinath The national song ‘Vande Mataram’ that caught the imagination of all freedom fighters for united Bharat against British occupation seeking ‘swaraj’ a la self-rule has turned 150. Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay penned the verses in 1875 and this became the swan song for complete freedom and rejection of foreign rule, goods and services. This very song can serve as inspiration for a united, developed country of 1.5 billion people overcoming both internal and external challenges. And, rightly, central executive council of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) that held three-day conclave in Jabalpur earlier this week announced one-year long campaign to celebrate and revive the spirit of ‘Vande Mataram’. It was first voiced at the Congress session in 1896 by none other than Bharat Ratna Rabindranath Tagore. And, the delegates at Congress session were swayed by this national song. It also turned the ‘mantra’ against British and sung by icons like Maharashi Arbindo, Madame Bhikaji Cama, renowned poets like Subramanya Bharati, Lala Hardayal and Lala Lajpat Rai apart from reformers like Dayananda Saraswati. Mahatma Gandhi had deftly used ‘Vande Maataram’ to greet people even in his letters to fellow compatriots and freedom fighters. When ‘Vande Mataram’ turned 100, ironically, the Congress-led government restricted its singing in 1975 after then Prime Minister Smt Indira Gandhi imposed internal emergency, trampled upon citizens’ fundamental and democratic rights. Most democratic institutions including both houses of parliament were dissolved and began two-year near lunatic undemocratic rule to stay in power. Hence, the entire Sangh parivar that bore the brunt of a criminal rule in New Delhi, seems to have decided to ring in the spirit of ‘Vande Mataram’ after 50-years. The national song treated on par with national anthem is sought to reunite the entire country’s citizenry against divisive forces seeking to weaken the fundamentals of the society on lines of caste, creed, sex, region, religion and faith. ‘Vande Mataram’ has the big potential to rekindle the spirit of ‘Swa’ (selfhood) and ‘Bharatiyata’ (Indian-ness) against forces of disruption having linkages with foreign powers. From villages, counties, communities to the entire nation, Vande Mataram could inject the sense of belonging for Bharat, resurrect its civilizational ethos, celebrate its diversity and unite to become a developed country laying a firm path for other nations to move along as well. RSS Sarkaryavah Dattatreya Hosabale has emphasised on reviving the spirit of ‘swa’ as the basis for national renaissance, development and bringing about inclusive prosperity in Bharat setting aside differences within some sections. ‘Swa’ includes reliance on domestic resources, talent, ideas, innovations and technology that could define Indian-ness. For instance Sridhar Vembu’s arattai can be our basic communication medium as against Whatsapp. For instance, building our own Kaveri engine that can power passenger and fighter aircraft should be our priority as against building Russia’s SJ-100 aircraft. As Dattatreya Hosabale said, ‘Swa’ or ‘Swadeshi’ should not translate into complete ‘isolation’ from Bharat’s perspective. It only means that heavy dependencw on domestic resources, desi talent, home grown technologies, innovations and human mind. From aerospace engineering, defence production to information technology, self-reliance should become the key word in spirit, content or processes. Puritan ‘Swadeshi’ way coupled with multiple global partnerships would bring about resilience to Bharat’s campaign for her socio-economic renaissance. One is reminded of Russia buckling under US pressure to deny Bharat the cryogenic engines technology to power her rockets and missiles. Russian space agency Glavcosmos revised its 1994 pact with Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) to deny the cryogenic engines technology and limited to supply nine engines. And, ISRO scientists outflanked the global space powers to rise from ashes and dominate the space sector. Big positive in this campaign is also Narendra Modi led government’s move to join the parivar campaign on ‘Vande Mataram’. If the recent Home Ministry memorandum is any indication, Prime Minister Modi will lead the nation to rekindle the spirit of ‘Vande Mataram’ way on Friday, November 7 that’s Akshay Navami. Last month itself, Union Cabinet had through a resolution decided to celebrate ‘Vande Mataram’ till November 7 next year. This campaign would become more purposeful if the governance at every level adapts ‘swadeshi’ as the ‘mantra’ Overtaking Japan or Germany, competing for the top of the stack position vis-à-vis China and US on economic front is a doable project if the spirit of ‘swa’ in every sector was applied. From governance reforms to celebrating diverse languages of Bharat’s people, governments, political formations and leadership will play a significant role. (Author is Director & Chief Executive of New Delhi based non-partisan think tank, Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies)

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Essence of ‘Hindutva’ is ‘Hinduness’

As part of our Special Series – #RSS100Years, We present “Essence of Hindutva is Hinduness,” a concise primer on Hindutva as a cultural-civilisational practice lived through personal discipline, seva, social harmony, and selfless public-spirited action. It defines key terms and clarifies core ideas as the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (#RSS) marks its centennial year.

Bharat Cyber Security Defence Economy Education Technology

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Dr Kalam’s Vision, Today’s Reality

Seeds of self-reliance and technological innovation have led to laying firm foundation for Viksit Bharat in defence domain. Dr G Sateesh Reddy When India gained independence, pressing need to indigenize defence systems was seriously felt, hitherto completely ignored by the British colonial regime. Bharat of 1950s imported most of its arms and ammunitions from United Kingdom. By the 1960’s, as part of global movement to contain communism, US joined this list by selling arms and ammunition to both India and Pakistan. By 1970s, India had pivoted to polar opposite, relying on Soviet arms for its defence in 80’s as part of non-aligned movement. Through these three decades, there was an Avul Pakir Jainulabdeen Abdul Kalam, better known as Dr APJ Abdul Kalam. Today, we remember him posthumously as eleventh President of India. But, he was once just a school going kid in British India. He was 16 years old when he saw India declare independence and turned 19 when she became a republic. The urge to defend himself, his loved ones and see his country defending its freedom, all constituted Abdul Kalam’s foundational years, and his perspective on defence and self-reliance. Bharat’s journey towards self-reliance in defence did not start with flashy policy announcements or billion-dollar deals. It began in dusty labs and testing grounds where a soft-spoken space scientist turned defence guy named Dr. APJ Abdul Kalam who dreamed of technology leap-frog in his country. The IGMDP programme to create a range of advanced missiles including Prithvi, Agni, Trishul, Aakash and Nag was his way of this movement forward. Known affectionately as “Missile Man of India,” Dr Kalam was not just building rockets; he was laying the foundation for a nation that could stand on its own in a world full of uncertainties. Clearly, his work in 1980s was built with a vision for twenty first century. As we look back, it is clear how Indian government has fanned those flames into roaring ‘wings of fire’, pushing defence modernization into overdrive across every branch of Armed Forces. From cutting-edge R&D to booming manufacturing, India’s defence ecosystem is transforming, turning the country from a major importer to an emerging exporter. The last ten years have witnessed a paradigm shift in Bharat’s defence policy, approach and ecosystem, driven by the government’s commitment to “Make in India” and “Atmanirbhar Bharat (self-reliant Bharat).” India’s defence sector has undergone profound transformation driven by a clear governmental vision to achieve strategic autonomy and reduce dependence on foreign suppliers. The shift from being one of world’s largest importers to becoming a rising exporter and manufacturer of defence products and services has been orchestrated through a clutch of policy reforms, infrastructure investments and collaborative initiatives involving both public and private stakeholders. At the heart of this transformation lies government’s flagship “Aatmanirbhar Bharat” initiative, that placed defence manufacturing at the forefront of national development. Complementing this is the “Make in India” campaign, launched in 2014, which has galvanized domestic production across sectors. As a result, India’s defence production has surged from Rs 46,000 crore in 2014 to a whopping Rs 1.5 lakh crore in 2025 with the private sector contributing over Rs 33,000 crore, a clear indication of its growing role in the ecosystem. To streamline procurement and promote indigenous manufacturing, the government introduced Defence Acquisition Procedure (DAP) 2020. This policy prioritizes domestic sourcing and includes Positive Indigenisation Lists that restrict imports of thousands of items, thereby creating a predictable demand for Indian manufacturers. Additionally, Defence Procurement Manual 2025 and Defence Offsets Policy have been refined to encourage innovation and ease of doing business. Establishment of Defence Industrial Corridors in Uttar Pradesh and Tamil Nadu has further catalyzed growth attracting investments and fostering partnerships between industries and state governments. The government has focused on empowering start-ups and medium, small and micro enterprises through iDEX (Innovations for Defence Excellence) and Technology Development Fund. These programs have supported over 650 start-ups with prototype procurements and accounting for more than Rs 3,000 crore, reflecting a vibrant innovation ecosystem. Digital platforms such as SRIJAN-DEEP portal and Defence Exim Portal have enhanced transparency and streamlined export-import processes. Bharat’s achievements in defence exports are equally noteworthy. From less than Rs 1,000 crore in 2014, exports have soared to Rs 23,622 crore in 2025, with targets set at Rs 50,000 crore by 2029. Bharat made platforms and systems like BrahMos missile and Akash air defence system are now being exported to nearly 100 countries showcasing her growing reputation as a reliable defence partner. Indigenous development has reached new heights with successful deployment of platforms such as Prachand Light Combat Helicopter, Advanced Towed Artillery Gun System (ATAGS) and INS Vikrant, India’s first indigenously built aircraft carrier. Operation Sindoor has reiterated that today many asymmetric technologies are playing a crucial role in modern warfare. And, given that this was an out and out airborne and contactless war fought by leveraging its own indigenously designed and developed weapons, it adds more stars to Indian domestic industry’s repertoire. Home grown air defence systems and missiles like Akash and BrahMos, indigenously manufactured radars were leveraged during Operation Sindoor. Bharat has reiterated its dominance in missiles segment which began with IGMDP by the visionary Dr Kalam himself. This underscores the nation’s technical prowess and effectiveness of government support in nurturing complex defence projects. This is not just about numbers; it is about real change. The government has nurtured start-ups through schemes like iDEX and TDF and evolved an ecosystem much more competitive while making it investor and industry friendly. This fast-tracking across strata of stakeholders from industry to policy makers, has put India’s defence modernization in full swing, touching every segment: army, navy, air force, homeland security and even space and cyber domains. Modernization today focuses on mobility, firepower and technology integration. Drones are a big push – from surveillance UAVs like Drishti-10 to swarm drones developed under iDEX. Manufacturing has witnessed a significant transformation. Artillery systems, aircraft platforms, missiles systems and ammunition are today not just made in Bharat

Afghanistan Bharat China Geopolitics International Leadership Pakistan Policy

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Pragmatic, Strategic Pivot

Muttaqi’s visit marks a milestone; opens up opportunity for Bharat to regain its presence in Afghanistan, keep a vigil on China, Pak & US. Brig Brijesh Pandey Bharat’s engagement with Afghanistan has historically been shaped less by cultural outreach and more by hard security imperatives. The strategists in New Delhi have long understood that Afghanistan occupied the only viable land corridor for India to access Central Asia and the vast Eurasian heartland – an assessment that predates independence. From King Zahir Shah’s regime to its support for Northern Alliance, Bharat consistently aligned with political and military factions in Kabul that counter-balanced Pakistani influence. After 2001, Bharat emerged as one of the most critical development partners, constructing Zerang – Delaram highway, Parliament complex and Salma dam while training Afghan national army officers. These initiatives were not driven purely by humanitarian considerations; they also reflected a calibrated strategy to ensure that a friendly government in Kabul could undercut Pakistan’s pursuit of exclusive strategic depth to its West. Re-Engaging Taliban Regime Taliban’s return to power in 2021 created a significant operational void due to Bharat’s absence from Afghan soil. With diplomatic staff evacuated and intelligence linkages abruptly severed, India’s continental outreach was overly reliant on external nodes such as Chabahar Port. It is with this strategic calculus that recent visit of Taliban Foreign Minister Amir Khan Muttaqi to India must be assessed. Away from media portrayal, the visit carries far deeper operational and strategic implications. Bharat’s foreign office made it explicit that formal recognition of Taliban Regime was not on the table, but structured engagement, certainly is. External Affairs minister, S. Jaishankar stated, “India will engage with authorities in Kabul based on our national interests and regional security priorities,” underscoring that New Delhi’s approach is based on pragmatic realpolitik rather than ideological endorsement. Up-gradation of technical mission in Kabul to a fully functional Embassy should be read as a move to re-activate intelligence networks and re-establish Bharat’s influence inside Afghanistan’s evolving power structure. For Taliban leadership, visit of its Foreign Minister to New Delhi served a different purpose. Before departing from Kabul, Muttaqi stated “Afghanistan seeks constructive relations with all regional countries including India” and during his interaction in Delhi, he expressed a desire to “open doors for economic cooperation, particularly through Chabahar.” These formulations signal a deliberate attempt by Kabul to reduce its excessive dependence on Pakistan and China by establishing a channel of engagement with India. By doing so, Taliban wants to diversify external partnerships and in turn enhance their strategic bargaining leverage in the region. Military Implications of Muttaqi’s Visit The visit was preceded by a series of regional developments that cumulatively restricted India’s maneuverability – US strikes on Iranian nuclear infrastructure, Washington’s renewed embrace of Pakistan, Saudi- Pakistan Mutual Defence Agreement, US decision to withdraw sanctions waiver on Chabahar, escalating tariff related issues between US, China and US – India. Each of these chipped away at India’s continental outreach and signaled covering of ground by Pakistan in US calculations. In this backdrop, reactivation of India’s Kabul Embassy must be taken as more than a symbolic gesture. It represents a well thought out step towards regaining ground presence – restoring Human Intelligence (HUMINT) channels, conducting security risk audits for Indian- funded projects and improving real time surveillance over terrorist movements along Nangarhar – Kandahar axis. Traditional Indian threat assessment models for Kashmir and key Indian cities have had footprints in Afghanistan based launch pads and training camps. Moreover, India’s development projects create local employment, subtly shaping internal security dynamics of Afghanistan in Bharat’s favour. Pakistan’s Attempt to Disrupt the Visit Even as Amir Khan Muttaqi was in New Delhi, Pakistan attempted to register its discomfort by escalating military pressure along the Durand Line. Cross border firing was initiated by Pakistani forces in sectors such as Kurram, Angoor Adda and Spin Boldak, possibly expecting that Taliban would either remain passive or align with Islamabad’s position. Taliban response defied those expectations. Taliban border units responded with direct fire and aggressive action overrunning number of Pakistani border outposts in select sectors. Though limited in scale, the tactical outcome held strategic significance. Exchange may not have been high on scale but during his press interaction in New Delhi, Muttaqi stated “Afghanistan desires peaceful and sovereign relations with all neighbours. No country should interfere in Afghan affairs or expect Afghanistan to serve other country’s strategic agenda.” Without naming, the message was clearly directed at Pakistan’s long-standing expectation that Afghanistan would remain within its security orbit. Security Tremors in Pakistan The events have accentuated Pakistan’s existing fault lines in internal and external security grid: US Factor When questioned about India’s re-engagement with Kabul, a US State Department spokesperson said, “we expect regional actors to ensure that Afghanistan does not become a platform for instability. ” a carefully worded statement that neither endorses India’s outreach nor objects to it. Having suffered strategic withdrawal from Bagram Air Base and lacking boots on ground, tacitly sees value in limited Indian re-entry as a counter-weight to China-Pakistan axis. Yet it remains cautious about India-Iran logistical coordination through Chabahar, especially if it entails dual use military corridor. India Aims Re-entry Not Recognition In military terms, India is not seeking dominance or regime endorsement in Afghanistan but sustainable operational access. Intelligence depth and denial of Pakistani leverage is what remains critical for India, particularly after US-Pakistan embrace. The re-opening of Kabul Embassy is first step towards ensuring long term security interests. With Bagram under Taliban control and Chinese evaluation of the air base for dual use, this theatre is undergoing a shift that demands Indian presence, though a calibrated one for now. India’s Security Concerns Taliban still shelters ideological and operational elements that align with anti-India terror infrastructure. Pakistan, on the other hand retains the option of re-directing proxy assets towards Kashmir as asymmetric retaliation for India’s outreach to Kabul. If Chabahar – Zahedan corridor becomes fully operational without disruption, it could bypass Pakistan entirely, fundamentally altering

Geopolitics Human Rights Pakistan Security Terrorism

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Enforced Disappearances, Human Rights and BLA’s Independence Call

By N. C. Bipindra Balochistan has yet again entered a dangerous phase of political and humanitarian uncertainty. Recent declaration by the Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA) to form an independent army and seek international recognition as a sovereign nation has brought decades-long freedom struggle against Pakistan’s reported occupation into sharp focus. While BLA’s statement marks a new and more assertive phase in the struggle to take governance into their own hands, it also threatens to worsen an already grim human rights landscape. For years, enforced disappearances, extrajudicial killings, and suppression of dissent have scarred the province. Now, with renewed calls for being recognized as a separate nation, Balochistan risks sliding deeper into vortex of violence and repression that shows little sign of abating. Pakistan’s army and security establishment has come down heavily on Baloch people seeking their basic rights to live peacefully and honourably. Islamabad’s new found friend in US President Donald Trump may be oblivious to this grim situation and only interested in excavating the high value rare earth metals and specialized molecules with high precision application across industries in America. A Province in Perpetual Conflict Balochistan, rich in natural resources but poor in development and representation has long been a theatre of conflict between Pakistani state and various Baloch nationalist groups. The grievances are old and deep, rooted in reported political marginalization, economic exploitation and cultural erasure. BLA’s recent announcement seeking international recognition and establishment of diplomatic missions represents a bold political escalation. It reframes the struggle from one of autonomy within Pakistan to outright independence. Predictably, such a declaration is being treated in Islamabad not as political dissent but as a direct challenge to national sovereignty, setting the stage for intensified military operations. Beneath the political grandstanding lies a darker humanitarian crisis that predates this declaration: persistent phenomenon of unexplained disappearances and human rights abuses that have come to define life in Balochistan. Missing People of Balochistan For families in Balochistan, the phrase “missing persons” has become an everyday horror. Thousands of Baloch men — students, teachers, activists, and ordinary civilians — have disappeared over the years, allegedly picked up by security forces or intelligence agencies. Many are never seen again; others turn up dead, often bearing signs of torture. According to the Human Rights Council of Balochistan (HRCB), 123 enforced disappearances and 26 killings were recorded in just August 2025. Earlier in March that year, the group documented 151 disappearances and 80 killings. Such numbers are staggering for a single province, and they are likely underestimates, given the difficulty of reporting in militarised areas. The Pakistan Commission of Inquiry on Enforced Disappearances (COIED) has received over 10,000 cases nationwide, with a disproportionate number from Balochistan. Yet, rights groups say that official mechanisms lack independence and transparency. Investigations rarely lead to prosecutions, and security agencies operate with near-total impunity. The HRCB and other local NGOs have documented a recurring pattern: night-time raids, arrests without warrants, and bodies discovered days or weeks later in desolate areas. Families often face intimidation when they speak out or join protests demanding the return of their loved ones. Many have spent years camped outside press clubs or government offices, holding faded photographs and placards that ask a simple question: “Where is my son?” Fear and Silence: A Society Under Siege The psychological toll on the province is immense. Entire communities live under a shadow of fear. In cities like Turbat, Kech, Awaran, and Gwadar, once bustling trade hubs, silence has replaced debate. Even student activism is seen as a potential act of rebellion. Students have been frequent victims of disappearances, especially those affiliated with Baloch student organisations. Human rights defender Dr. Mahrang Baloch, who spearheaded a peaceful movement for missing persons, was herself detained in 2024, a move widely condemned internationally as an attempt to crush dissent. Journalists, too, face censorship and threats. Many have been warned against reporting on disappearances or military operations. The result is a near-total blackout on independent information from much of Balochistan, leaving only official narratives and sporadic social media updates from activists who risk their lives to post them. Extrajudicial Killings and the “Kill-and-Dump” Policy One of the most disturbing aspects of the crisis is what local activists describe as the “kill-and-dump” policy. Individuals who disappear are later found dead, their bodies dumped on roadsides or in remote deserts. These victims are often presented by authorities as “terrorists” killed in encounters, but human rights groups say many of these encounters are staged. The state’s security establishment insists its operations target armed insurgents, not civilians. Yet the blurred line between militant and civilian in such operations has made accountability nearly impossible. In some cases, the victims had no political affiliation at all. Families are left with bodies to bury and no answers about why their loved ones were taken or killed. Legal and Institutional Failures Pakistan is a signatory to major international human rights treaties, including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the UN Convention Against Enforced Disappearances. Yet, in practice, these obligations remain largely unfulfilled. The COIED, established to investigate missing persons cases, has been criticised as toothless. It lacks the authority to compel powerful agencies like the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) or the Frontier Corps (FC) to produce detainees or disclose information. Its reports are rarely made public, and few cases have led to convictions. In the absence of credible accountability, enforced disappearances have become normalised as a tool of control. Human rights lawyers describe it as a deliberate policy, a way to silence opposition without legal consequence. BLA’s Declaration and Its Fallout The BLA’s move to declare a separate “army” and seek global recognition adds a dangerous new layer to this human rights tragedy. The Pakistani state, already hypersensitive to any challenge in Balochistan, is likely to respond with harsher counter-insurgency measures, which could lead to more disappearances, arrests, and extrajudicial killings under the banner of fighting terrorism. Civilians will, as always, bear the brunt. In areas where the BLA has

Hindus Human Rights International Misinformation Security United States USA

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CIHS: Letter to New Jersey Governor Phil Murphy Raises Concern Over Biased Event on “Hindutva in America” at Rutgers University

The Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies (CIHS), a New Delhi–based independent think tank, has written to New Jersey Governor Phil Murphy expressing concern over Rutgers University’s upcoming event titled “Hindutva in America: A Threat to Equality and Religious Pluralism.” .

NPR’s Covert Operation to Market Fear on Hindus & RSS

Bharat Disinformation Hindus Media Misinformation News Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)

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NPR’s Covert Operation to Market Fear on Hindus & RSS

Dr Aniket Pingley / Nagpur Were someone to write a handbook on “Pandering to Prejudice while Pretending to Report,” they need look no further than Diaa Hadid’s National Public Radio (NPR) write-up and radio broadcast RSS. Hadid hides lack of diligence behind familiar imagery and attempts to flatter an audience expectation instead of testing them. Hollywood often turns social problems into entertainment. Crime, addiction and family breakdown appear again and again in films. These stories do not describe society as it is; they present a pattern that audiences already know. By recycling them, filmmakers sell a sense of realism itself. Sociologists have called this commodification of stereotypes where social anxieties are turned into products that people can consume. Hadid’s radio report for NPR titled “A Hindu nationalist movement celebrates 100 years. Now what?” follows the very pattern? The report attempts to present Bharat through a ready-made frame of danger and division. The listeners / readers are not invited to learn something new; they are prodded to recognize something familiar, a martial or fascist Hindu organisation, fearful Muslims and a society leaning toward intolerance. This works well for Western audience who have been mentally “incepted” for years by shoddy journalism to consume such stories as both alarm and entertainment. It becomes a reaffirmation that their liberal conscience remains intact. I have lived in the USA for more than a decade. I have listened to NPR on radio for years during my daily commute. Over time, I came to notice a pattern in its coverage of India. Their tone is rarely one of inquiry or balance; it is one of quiet moral certainty. Their general method is not to argue openly but to evoke unease through association, mood and selective recall. It is in this sense that Diaa Hadid’s report on the centenary of RSS fits perfectly within NPR’s broader narrative framework. I will expose anatomy of NPR’s covert style of building narrative. To this end, I will first explain the covert devices used by Hadid. Covert Devices Hadid’s piece works through three main covert devices: visual cues, selective use of authority and affective storytelling. a. Visual cues The report opens with the image of “more than 1,000 men in khaki pants, white shirts, black hats marched in step, bamboo canes at the ready.” This picture establishes the mood before any facts are given. The imagery evokes paramilitary spectacle; audience’s imagination supplies menace before any argument begins. It does not explain what the event represents; it signals threat. Once this image is fixed, every later detail reinforces it. b. Selective authority Hadid then attempts to construct credibility through Sangh baiters like Nilanjan Mukhopadhyay and Saba Naqvi. Their observations are not contextualised; the audience is not told that these voices represent one interpretive tradition among many. Their audio bytes are cherry-picked to deliver a uniform message: Hindu nationalism feeds resentment, controls institutions and endangers pluralism. This is nothing more than an echo-chamber. c. Affective storytelling A later section features an unnamed Muslim activist who “fears retribution.” No evidence or data is offered to support how widespread this fear is. The emotion itself is projected as the proof. The audience does not have to ask for data or context; feeling replaces verification. In short, where evidence should appear, emotion takes its place. Symbols and Stigma Reference to the film, The Kerala Story, is most telling rhetorical move. The film bears no institutional connection to RSS and belongs to the domain of popular cinema. Its presence in the report functions as symbolic contagion, i.e., by mentioning the movie immediately after discussing RSS “influence on Bollywood,” Hadid fuses disparate cultural artefacts into a single moral field. The RSS thus becomes responsible not only for political developments but also for cinematic representations of Muslims. For a Western audience already primed to associate “Hindu nationalism” with intolerance, such conflation produces instant engagement. To amplify stigma about RSS, Hadid retrieves the prevalent elements of Western archive on the RSS – (1) Mahatma Gandhi’s assassination and (2) Ram Janmabhoomi movement. There is no acknowledgment that RSS was exonerated after Gandhi’s death or that it operates legally within India’s constitutional framework, or that Ram temple was built via Supreme Court judgment after a long, patient waiting by the entire nation. Hadid repeats familiar falsehood that “Godse was once a follower of the RSS. Godse’s family insists he never left,” ignoring Godse’s own courtroom statement that he had left the RSS to join the Hindu Mahasabha. But then, fact-checking has never been a priority for those committed to manufacturing history and Hadid is neither the first nor the last to do so. Here, each reference functions to deliberately misguide or act as a cue that re-connects today’s audience to an existing moral verdict. The long and the short of it The anatomy of NPR’s false narrative building has the following parts: Exposing the institutional motive of NPR Hadid’s report exemplifies an institutional pattern within Western public media: to convert complex national phenomena into moral parables for liberal consumption. RSS becomes a semiotic device, a shorthand for all that is wrong with contemporary India. In this symbolic economy, factual depth is secondary to recognizability. Diaa Hadid’s NPR piece about RSS centenary does not break new ground. It follows Hollywood model of selling familiar anxieties. This is not an individual failure of journalism but a sign of how certain institutions continue to operate. They produce stories that confirm a shared moral outlook rather than test it. The result is not better understanding of Bharat or RSS, but another example of how complex realities can be reduced to simple and marketable fears. P.S. As for “Now what?” from the title — perhaps, now, some real journalism 😊 (Author is an accomplished computer scientist, educator, and holds expertise in media content strategy)

Beyond “Iron Brothers” - The Cracks in the China-Pakistan Defence Partnership

China Cyber Security Defence Geopolitics Pakistan Policy Security Terrorism

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Beyond “Iron Brothers”: The Cracks in the China-Pakistan Defence Partnership

N. C. Bipindra Pakistan’s engagement with both Washington and Beijing raises concerns about its relationship with China. Despite claims of trust and shared interests, Pakistan’s foreign policy history reveals a consistent pattern of duplicity. This poses risks for China, affecting its security and technological dominance. Let us analyse Pakistan’s dual alignments, urging caution from Beijing regarding military technology transfers to Islamabad. Pakistan’s foreign policy traits, transactionalism, opportunism, and dependence on external allies, suggest a potential shift in technology flow from the U.S. to China in a new geopolitical landscape. Historical Patterns of Technology Transfers Pakistan has long capitalised on its geostrategic location to obtain military and economic concessions from major powers. During the Cold War, it accommodated CIA operations against the Soviets in Afghanistan and received sophisticated U.S. armaments; however, not all of it remained in Pakistani possession. Two instances are particularly noteworthy. In the 1990s, U.S. intelligence asserted that Pakistan transferred American-supplied Stinger missiles to China, a claim that Islamabad refuted. After the 2011 Abbottabad raid, The New York Times disclosed that Chinese engineers were permitted to examine the remnants of a downed U.S. stealth-modified Black Hawk helicopter. Although definitive evidence was lacking, U.S. officials referenced intercepted communications to substantiate the allegation. These occurrences, notwithstanding Pakistani refutations, solidified perceptions of duplicity. For Beijing, the implication is unequivocal: if Pakistan was unable to protect U.S. technologies, it cannot be entirely relied upon to safeguard Chinese ones. Pakistan’s Contemporary Balancing Act Today, Pakistan faces a transformed strategic environment. Following Operation Bunyaan-un-Marsoos and subsequent outreach efforts, Islamabad has sought to re-engage Washington, particularly to secure tariff concessions and financial relief amid severe economic strain. Simultaneously, it remains dependent on Beijing for military hardware, ranging from advanced weapons and sensors to drones. The private lunch hosted for Asim Munir at the White House on June 18, 2025, is not merely a ceremonial bonhomie. It is a fact that such courtesies are rarely extended without an eye on strategic dividends. It appears that, in an era where China has surged ahead of the U.S. in technologies like AI, 5G, and advanced manufacturing, Washington views Pakistan not merely as an old battlefield ally but as a potential conduit for intelligence, leverage, and Chinese tech transfer. Perhaps, for Washington, cultivating ties with Pakistan’s generals is about far more than courtesy. It offers a discreet channel for access, legitimacy, and potentially even Chinese technology. However, this balancing act carries profound risks for China. Sensitive Chinese systems, long assumed to be secure within the framework of an “all-weather” partnership, may become vulnerable to American scrutiny as Pakistan attempts to cultivate favor in Washington. What was once an unshakable partnership is beginning to look increasingly fragile, as Pakistan’s loyalties are often dictated not by long-term commitments but by immediate strategic and financial incentives. As former CIA officer Bruce Riedel has long observed, “Pakistani generals can be bought any time,” a reminder of how transactional and compromised the country’s military elite remain. Compounding this vulnerability is the conduct of Pakistan’s civil–military elite. Many former army chiefs, including Pervez Musharraf, Ashfaq Parvez Kayani, and Qamar Javed Bajwa, have relocated abroad or maintained significant overseas assets after retirement. Such behavior underscores an entrenched pattern of ethical and moral corruption: leaders prioritise personal enrichment and external safe havens over national development, leaving the public to suffer under chronic instability and economic decline. Case of the J-35 Stealth Fighter Pakistan’s reported withdrawal from a planned deal for 40 J-35 stealth fighters highlights these dynamics. Once poised to be the jet’s first foreign buyer, Islamabad later dismissed the reports, despite earlier claims of pilot training in China. Battlefield lessons from Operation Sindoor — where Chinese systems underperformed against India’s BrahMos and S-400 — fueled doubts about the untested J-35. Economic pressures, including IMF austerity and a stretched defence budget, further undermined the $5 billion deal. For Beijing, Pakistan’s reversal exposed the fragility of trust: a flagship transfer was abandoned in favor of renewed U.S. outreach, underscoring China’s vulnerability to Islamabad’s hedging. Hypersonic Missiles: China Draws a Line Another case highlighting Beijing’s caution is its reported rejection of Pakistan’s request for hypersonic missiles and related technology. Media reports suggest China refused both sales and tech transfers, fearing Islamabad’s growing outreach to the U.S. could expose sensitive systems. Unlike fighter jets or conventional missiles, hypersonic platforms like the DF-17 are central to China’s strategic deterrence and lack downgraded export versions, reflecting their sensitivity and immaturity. The denial underscores a key reality: even in an “all-weather” partnership, Beijing does not fully trust Pakistan with its most advanced technologies. Strategic Implications for China The implications of this dynamic for China are far-reaching. First, Pakistan represents both an asset and a liability for Beijing. It provides strategic depth in South Asia, a reliable arms market, and political support in international forums. Yet these benefits come at the cost of significant vulnerability: advanced Chinese systems risk exposure through Pakistani networks, intentionally or inadvertently, to Western intelligence. Second, the problem is structural rather than episodic. Pakistan’s foreign policy has long been characterised by transactionalism, with loyalty subordinated to immediate material gains. As Islamabad draws closer to Washington, Beijing must anticipate that Pakistan’s defence partnership could once again become a conduit for technological leakage, this time at China’s expense. Third, the nature of emerging technologies magnifies the risk. Whereas conventional hardware could be downgraded for export, dual-use and software-driven systems cannot be so easily restricted. For Beijing, the possibility of losing control over AI, cyber, or hypersonic technologies through Pakistan would represent a strategic disaster, undermining years of investment and eroding its position vis-à-vis the United States. In this sense, Pakistan’s growing closeness with Washington is about far more than counterterrorism cooperation or financial bailouts. It is “more than what meets the eye”: for the West, Pakistan provides a potential backdoor to scrutinize and even reverse-engineer Chinese technologies in domains like AI, quantum, and stealth areas where Beijing has made significant advances over the United States. Washington now views Beijing not merely as a rising

Hindus Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)

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RSS at a Glance

Introducing “RSS at a Glance” a crisp infographic-ready snapshot of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh’s scale and momentum. It captures headline metrics you can cite at a glance: volunteers (swayamsevaks), daily shakhas, annual seva projects, educational initiatives and schools, disaster-relief deployments. A numerical backbone behind a century of volunteerism and nation-building.

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