CIHS – Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies

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Canada’s Separatism Double Standard on 'Free Speech Vs Treason' Knocked Out by Trump's Right Hook

Canada’s Separatism Hypocrisy Knocked Out by Trump

By N. C. Bipindra For years, India has accused Canada of sheltering Khalistani separatist networks that openly call for the dismemberment of the Indian state, often through rallies, illegal referendums and fundraising activities conducted on Canadian soil. Ottawa’s standard response has been predictable: these activities, however offensive to India, fall under the protection of free speech in a liberal democracy. Now, as Canadian leaders bristle at the idea of their own separatists allegedly courting sympathy or support from the United States under a Trump-led political climate, the rhetoric has shifted dramatically. Suddenly, “free expression” has a boundary, and that boundary is labelled “treason.” British Columbia Premier David Eby’s remark captures the mood shift succinctly: “To go to a foreign country and to ask for assistance in breaking up Canada, there’s an old-fashioned word for that. And that word is treason.” The statement, in addition to its directness, stands out for its contrast to Canada’s long-standing defence of Khalistani advocacy as constitutionally protected speech in response to India’s objections. This contradiction sits at the heart of Canada’s current predicament, exposing the uncomfortable gap between universalist liberal principles and national interest-driven political reflexes. Canada’s Long, Uneasy History with Separatism Canada is no stranger to separatist movements. Quebec nationalism has shaped federal politics for decades, ranging from constitutional negotiations to two referendums on secession in 1980 and 1995. Western alienation, particularly in Alberta and Saskatchewan, has periodically spawned its own secessionist rhetoric, often tied to energy policy and perceptions of Ottawa-centric governance. British Columbia, while less institutionally separatist, has its own strains of regional grievance politics. Ottawa’s approach to these movements has generally been pragmatic: tolerate speech, discourage violence, and rely on federalism, economic integration and constitutionalism to keep the country together. Even the Front de libération du Québec (FLQ) crisis of the 1970s, marked by terrorism, eventually gave way to political accommodation once violence was rejected. It is against this backdrop that Canada framed its response to Khalistani activism. Ottawa repeatedly argued that as long as these groups did not directly engage in violence within Canada, their advocacy, even for secession abroad, fell under lawful political expression. Khalistan, India and the Free Speech Shield Canada Misused From New Delhi’s perspective, this position has always felt disingenuous. Khalistan is not a theoretical grievance movement. It is tied to a violent insurgency in the 1980s, the assassination of an Indian Prime Minister and the bombing of Air India Flight 182, Canada’s deadliest terrorist attack. India’s argument has been straightforward: allowing individuals and organisations linked to this ideology to operate freely is not neutral liberalism. It is permissiveness with security consequences. Canada, however, consistently invoked a rights-based framework. When India asked Ottawa to curb rallies, posters and “referendums” glorifying separatism or violence, Canadian officials responded with lectures on freedom of expression, rule of law and judicial independence. The message to India was clear: liberal democracies must tolerate even uncomfortable speech. That moral posture is now under strain. Separatism Meets Trump’s Transactional Power Politics The recent US moves under Donald Trump, courting or at least engaging Canadian separatist voices while simultaneously escalating economic pressure, have jolted Ottawa out of its comfort zone. Trump’s statement threatening to decertify Canadian-made aircraft and impose a 50% tariff unless Canada changes its certification practices for Gulfstream jets is classic Trumpian coercive diplomacy: blend trade, nationalism and public spectacle into one negotiating weapon. What makes the moment explosive is the “symbolic overlap” between economic punishment and political messaging. If Canadian separatist leaders are perceived to be seeking favour or leverage in Washington, especially under a president who thrives on exploiting internal divisions abroad, it strikes at the core of Canadian sovereignty anxieties. Hence, the sharp pivot in tone. What was once “speech” becomes “treason” the moment foreign power politics enter the picture. Hypocrisy Problem: Liberal Universalism or Strategic Nationalism Canada’s dilemma is not unique, but it is particularly visible. Liberal democracies often defend abstract principles, such as free speech, association and protest, until those same principles are weaponised against them. When Khalistani groups lobby foreign governments, celebrate separatism or even implicitly threaten India’s territorial integrity, Canada frames it as diaspora politics. When Canadian separatists allegedly seek US backing, it becomes an existential threat. This asymmetry is not lost on India or on other states watching closely. The core inconsistency lies in selective contextualisation. Canada contextualises its own separatist challenges as dangerous and destabilising, but decontextualised India’s, treating Khalistan as merely expressive politics rather than a historically violent movement. The standards change depending on whose national unity is at stake. Law, Treason and the Political Language Elasticity Premier Eby’s use of the word “treason” is politically powerful but legally loaded. In most democracies, treason is narrowly defined, usually involving direct assistance to an enemy during wartime. Stretching the term to cover lobbying or rhetorical appeals abroad may resonate emotionally, but it undermines Canada’s earlier insistence on strict legalism when responding to Indian concerns. This matters because once political language expands to suit convenience, it exposes prior moral claims as contingent rather than principled. India has long argued that separatist advocacy cannot be divorced from geopolitical consequences. Canada is now discovering the same truth, only from the opposite side of the mirror. Trump’s Tariffs and Certification Weaponisation Trump’s aircraft ultimatum adds another layer: economic nationalism as leverage over sovereignty disputes. By tying aircraft certification to trade retaliation, Trump is signalling that regulatory processes themselves are negotiable instruments of power. For Canada, this is doubly uncomfortable. First, it challenges the legitimacy of its regulatory institutions. Second, it reinforces the perception that internal political vulnerabilities, like separatist murmurs, can invite external pressure. Ironically, this is precisely the logic India has used to argue that tolerating extremist diaspora politics weakens state credibility and invites instability. Strategic Implications for India-Canada Relations For New Delhi, the moment offers not only vindication but also opportunity. The contrast between Canada’s moral posturing on Khalistan and its alarm over domestic separatism strengthens India’s long-standing claim of double standards. It also gives Indian diplomats

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The Atlantic Umbrella Is Folding, and Europe Is Relearning Power

The Atlantic Umbrella Is Folding, and Europe Is Relearning Power

A Europe that wants to survive Trump-proofing will have to spend more, produce more, and de-risk more. An India that seeks lasting global standing will have to convert demographic and economic scale into defence-industrial outcomes that allies can bank on. Rahul PAWA | x – @imrahulpawa The fracture in the Western security story is no longer subtle. It is loud, transactional, and increasingly personal, driven by the return of Donald Trump to the world’s most consequential bully pulpit. Europe can still pretend this is a temporary mood swing in Washington, but its institutions are behaving like they know better. The continent that once outsourced deterrence to America, cheap energy to Russia, and industrial inputs to China is now discovering what strategic adulthood costs, and how fast. The war in Ukraine remains the anvil on which Europe’s assumptions keep breaking. For three years, the battlefield has acted like an audit. It has tested whether NATO stockpiles are real, whether European procurement can scale, and whether democracies can sustain willpower when the price is no longer abstract. It is not that Europe has done nothing. It has moved money, missiles, and ammunition. Yet the tempo of the war has repeatedly exposed a deeper weakness: Europe’s defence industry and political cohesion were built for peacetime optimisation, not wartime surge. Even the European Union’s own internal papers and proposals have treated ammunition as a headline requirement, not a footnote, a recognition that industrial mass has returned as a strategic variable. Over this, Trump has layered a second stress test: alliance reliability. NATO is still standing, but it is being bent into a shape that looks less like shared purpose and more like a subscription service. The 5% defence-spending target that began as a negotiating cudgel has become a psychological ceiling Europe is being dared to hit, with public threats and political theatre attached. In June 2025, NATO leaders endorsed a higher spending goal under U.S. pressure, while Trump openly signalled punitive instincts toward laggards, turning collective defence into a live bargaining arena. The Arctic question around Greenland sharpened the point. When the leader of the alliance’s dominant power toys with the idea of coercion against territory tied to Denmark, the damage is not merely diplomatic. It is doctrinal. It normalises the language of acquisition over sovereignty, and it teaches smaller allies that Article 5 comfort depends on the mood in the Oval Office. Danish Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen responded in January 2026 by saying dialogue on Arctic security must respect territorial integrity, a sentence that should never have needed repeating inside NATO. The mood has also infected the broader “rules-based order” that Europe invokes as if it were self-executing law. Consider the case of Mauritius and the Chagos Archipelago. In 2019, the International Court of Justice advised that the UK’s separation of the Chagos Archipelago from Mauritius was unlawful, and the UN General Assembly called on the United Kingdom to withdraw its administration. Yet great-power interests and basing realities, including the military footprint on Diego Garcia, ensured that legal clarity did not translate into clean compliance. The lesson is corrosive: international law is decisive until it collides with strategic utility. At the United Nations itself, the crisis is even less theoretical. Antonio Guterres warned in late January 2026 of “imminent financial collapse” driven by unpaid dues and structural budget rules, with reporting that the United States is the largest debtor across multiple UN accounts. This is not just a spreadsheet problem. It is a strategic signal: when Washington delays or withholds, the institution’s operational capacity shrinks, and its political centre of gravity shifts. It is also important to be accurate about the money. The United States remains the largest assessed contributor to the UN regular budget, with China close behind; Russia is not remotely the biggest funder, even if it remains a permanent Security Council veto-holder. On peacekeeping assessments, China is a top payer as Russia sits far lower in the table. Europe’s problem is not that Beijing and Moscow have “bought” the UN with donations. It is that a cash-strapped UN becomes more brittle, more politicised, and easier for hard powers to pressure, while America’s own commitment becomes a variable. Trump, meanwhile, has turned the symbolism of peace into another performance metric. He has repeatedly argued he deserves the Nobel Peace Prize, claiming credit for “ending” multiple conflicts, a claim that none beyond the oval office back. The pursuit has become so brazen that it has dragged Nordic leaders into his orbit. Reporting around his communications with Jonas Gahr Støre, and commentary from the Nobel ecosystem, illustrates how a prize meant to sanctify moral authority is being treated as a transactional trophy. All of this lands on a Europe that is trying to rearm while still living inside yesterday’s dependencies. Energy is the most obvious. Before 2022, Russia supplied more than 40% of the EU’s gas. Even after the shock, Russia’s share fell but did not vanish, and the EU has only now finalised a phased ban on Russian gas imports stretching into 2027. Europe lectures the world on strategic discipline while paying, even if less than before, for molecules that help finance the adversary it condemns. The second dependency is industrial: critical minerals, rare earths, magnets, and supply-chain choke points where China remains dominant. The EU’s own Council materials acknowledge cases of near-total reliance, including heavy rare earths. The European Central Bank has warned that export restrictions and disruptions can feed inflation and strategic vulnerability across key industries. Europe cannot speak credibly about sovereignty while its clean-tech and defence-adjacent manufacturing remains exposed to upstream controls. So Europe is talking again, sometimes quietly, sometimes theatrically, about what it once treated as taboo: autonomous deterrence. French President Emmanuel Macron said in March 2025 that he would open a debate on using France’s nuclear deterrent to protect European partners, insisting control would remain French. NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte has publicly pushed back on fantasies of a separate European army, warning that real autonomy

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Union Budget 2026–27 - India’s Fiscal Moment in a Re-Shaped Europe Partnership

Union Budget 2026–27: India’s Fiscal Moment in a Re-Shaped Europe Partnership

Arun Anand When the Union Finance Minister rises to present the Budget for 2026–27, the speech will be heard not merely as an annual fiscal statement but as a strategic signal of how India intends to position itself in a rapidly re-ordering global economy. This Budget arrives at a moment when trade, geopolitics, and industrial policy are converging in unprecedented ways. At the heart of this convergence lies the India–European Union trade agreement, a long-negotiated pact that has moved from aspiration to actionable reality. For India, the European Union is not just another trading partner. It represents one of the world’s largest consumer markets, a hub of advanced manufacturing, a leader in sustainability standards, and a regulatory superpower. The conclusion of the trade agreement has altered the context in which fiscal choices will now be read. Budget 2026–27 is thus expected to go beyond accounting for revenues and expenditures; it must articulate how India plans to convert enhanced market access into competitiveness, jobs, and long-term economic resilience. The global environment in which this Budget is framed is anything but stable. Growth in major economies remains uneven, trade protectionism has not fully receded, and supply chains continue to be reshaped by geopolitical considerations. In this setting, India’s engagement with the EU reflects a strategic bet on rules-based trade, diversification away from over-concentrated markets, and integration into high-value global supply chains. The Budget, therefore, will be scrutinised for how well it aligns domestic policy instruments with this external opportunity. One of the most immediate expectations from Budget 2026–27 is a clear fiscal roadmap to support export-oriented sectors that stand to benefit from the EU agreement. Labour-intensive industries such as textiles, leather, footwear, gems and jewellery, and processed foods are likely to gain preferential access to European markets. However, access alone does not guarantee competitiveness. Indian firms must meet stringent standards relating to quality, safety, traceability, and sustainability. The Budget is expected to acknowledge this reality by prioritising investments in testing infrastructure, certification ecosystems, and compliance facilitation, particularly for small and medium enterprises. MSMEs, in fact, sit at the centre of the India–EU trade opportunity and the Budget challenge alike. While large corporations may have the scale and resources to adapt quickly to European regulatory norms, smaller firms often struggle with the costs of compliance and technology upgradation. Budget 2026–27 will be watched closely for targeted tax incentives, credit support, and technology adoption schemes that can help MSMEs integrate into EU-facing value chains rather than be crowded out by larger players. Another critical dimension is logistics and trade facilitation. Reduced tariffs can only translate into real gains if transaction costs within India are brought down. Delays at ports, fragmented logistics networks, and inconsistent state-level regulations erode export competitiveness. The Budget is expected to reinforce capital expenditure on ports, multimodal logistics parks, and digital trade infrastructure, ensuring that physical and procedural bottlenecks do not undermine the advantages secured through diplomacy. Beyond goods, the India–EU trade agreement also opens new possibilities in services, digital trade, and professional mobility. Europe remains a key destination for Indian IT services, engineering expertise, and skilled professionals. Budget 2026–27 may therefore carry signals on skilling initiatives, digital public infrastructure, and regulatory reforms that enable Indian service providers to scale up their presence in Europe while attracting European investment into India’s knowledge economy. Sustainability is another axis along which the Budget’s EU alignment will be assessed. European trade policy increasingly embeds climate and environmental considerations, and Indian exporters will face rising expectations related to carbon intensity, circular economy practices and responsible sourcing. Rather than viewing this as a constraint, Budget 2026–27 has the opportunity to frame sustainability as a competitiveness lever by supporting green manufacturing, renewable energy adoption in industry, and low-carbon logistics. Fiscal incentives in these areas would signal that India intends to meet global standards on its own terms, without compromising growth. Investment flows form the other side of the trade equation. The EU remains one of the largest sources of foreign direct investment into India, particularly in manufacturing, infrastructure, clean energy, and advanced technologies. The Budget’s approach to taxation stability, dispute resolution, and ease of doing business will therefore be read as a message to European investors. Any steps toward simplifying compliance, ensuring policy predictability, and strengthening contract enforcement would reinforce India’s credibility as a long-term investment destination. At a broader level, Budget 2026–27 will reflect how India sees its role in the emerging global economic architecture. The India–EU agreement is not merely commercial; it is also strategic, reinforcing India’s positioning as a trusted economic partner amid shifting power balances. Fiscal choices that support domestic manufacturing, innovation, and human capital development will be interpreted as India preparing itself not just to trade with Europe, but to co-shape global norms in areas such as digital governance, supply-chain resilience, and sustainable growth. There is also a domestic political economy dimension. Trade agreements often create both winners and adjustment pressures. The Budget will need to demonstrate sensitivity toward sectors and regions that may face increased competition, while ensuring that adjustment costs are managed through skilling, social protection, and targeted support. How effectively this balance is struck will determine whether the EU trade agreement is seen as a national opportunity or a sector-specific gain. Ultimately, Union Budget 2026–27 stands at the intersection of diplomacy and development. It has the potential to serve as India’s first full-fledged “trade-aligned Budget,” one that translates international commitments into domestic capacity. Markets, industries and global partners will look beyond headline numbers to discern the deeper story: whether India is ready to move from negotiating access to delivering outcomes. As Europe looks for reliable partners and India looks to scale its growth ambitions, this Budget could well define how the partnership evolves in practice. The fiscal choices made on this February morning may determine whether the India–EU trade agreement becomes a transformative economic chapter or remains an unrealised promise in the fine print of diplomacy. (Author is a senior journalist & columnist. He has authored more than

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EXPLAINER - India-EU Free Trade Agreement

EXPLAINER: India-EU Free Trade Agreement

After roughly 18 years of intermittent negotiations, the India-European Union Free Trade Agreement (FTA), also referred to as a Broad-based Trade and Investment Agreement (BTIA), was affirmed as concluded on January 27, 2026. Branded as the “mother of all trade deals,” the agreement seeks to increase investment, liberalise trade in goods and services and strengthen strategic and economic ties between India and the EU, one of India’s significant trading partners. Together, India and the EU account for a market of about 2 billion people, a third of global trade and roughly 25% of the world’s GDP. It unites India, which has a sizable consumer market and a rapidly expanding economy, with the EU, one of the biggest economic blocs in the world. The negotiations are settled, but the FTA still has to undergo formal legal scrubbing and ratification by the European Parliament and member states and the Indian government before it can come into force. The implementation is expected in late 2026 or 2027. The India-EU Free Trade Agreement aims to significantly reduce, and in many cases eliminate, tariffs over a broad range of goods and services, facilitating easier trade between two of the world’s largest economic blocs. The importance of the agreement is magnified by the fact that it took a long and arduous path to completion, with negotiations starting in 2007, breaking up in 2013 amidst differences and remaining dormant for almost a decade before being restarted in a different global trade context.

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India-EU ‘Mother of All Deals’ Achieved Biggest Global Trade Shake-Up That Redefined Power

By N. C. Bipindra India and the European Union (EU), on January 27, 2026, signed what leaders are calling the “mother of all trade deals,” a sweeping Free Trade Agreement (FTA) two decades in the making. The pact, agreed during a summit in New Delhi, links two of the world’s largest democratic powers, India with its rapidly expanding economy and the EU with its integrated market of 27 countries, creating a massive economic zone spanning nearly 2 billion people and a quarter of global GDP. This is not just another trade deal. It is a geopolitical pivot point: one that strengthens India’s global economic role, accelerates Europe’s search for reliable partners amid fracturing US relations and reshapes the global trade architecture at a time when traditional trade alliances are under strain. What Is This FTA and Why Has It Been So Big? Negotiations began in 2007 but repeatedly stumbled over tariffs, market access, regulatory differences and standards. Only in recent years, especially amid growing global trade tensions, did talks gain momentum. The final pact aims to lower or eliminate tariffs on over 90% of goods for both sides, expand market access for services, reduce non-tariff barriers and boost investment flows. Key sectors from automobiles to textiles and pharmaceuticals are covered, although sensitive areas like agriculture remain largely excluded due to domestic political concerns. Leaders described it as not just a trade deal, but a strategic partnership, including cooperation in mobility, security and future industrial collaboration.  Why This Deal Matters to India Indian exporters now gain preferential or zero-tariff access to the massive EU market, particularly in labour-intensive sectors such as textiles, gems and jewellery, leather goods, chemicals and marine products: historically areas where India has struggled to secure deep market entry. With India’s manufacturing push seeking global scale, easier access to European inputs, such as machinery, medical devices, high-quality components, means lower production costs and better global supply chain integration. This aligns with India’s broader strategy of becoming a global manufacturing hub rather than a primarily services-oriented economy. Indian exporters have felt the impact of rising US tariff barriers, especially under recent American policies that saw levies of up to 50% on Indian goods in certain sectors. The EU FTA offers a valuable alternative destination at a critical time. EU companies are expected to scale up investments across Indian manufacturing, technology, infrastructure and clean energy sectors, bringing capital, innovation and higher-end industrial activity to India. Why Europe Is Betting Big on India Europe needs stable, diversified markets. China’s slowing growth and geopolitical tensions with the EU over technology and security have encouraged Brussels to seek deeper ties with other large economies. India’s fast-growing consumer base and manufacturing capacity make it an ideal partner. The EU expects its exports to India to potentially double by 2032, saving billions in tariffs and opening opportunities for European cars, machinery and premium goods. Strong economic ties can underpin greater geopolitical alignment on issues from climate policy to digital standards and global governance. How This Compares to US-India and US-EU Trade Talks The US-India talks on an FTA are still in progress, but they have not yet resulted in a comprehensive agreement. US tariff hikes on Indian exports have strained trust and talks have been slow, partly due to competing domestic political agendas and protectionist pressures. Despite long-standing strategic cooperation, not least through defence and technology partnerships, a full trade deal remains elusive, giving the EU an opening to build momentum with India that the United States has so far not fully matched. The EU and US remain massive economic partners, combined they account for trillions in goods and services trade, yet they do not have a dedicated free trade agreement like the one just signed with India. Negotiations toward a free trade pact, notably the 2013 Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) proposal, ultimately collapsed in 2016 and recent talks aimed at a new framework have been complicated by political differences. The US and EU signed a “reciprocal, fair and balanced trade” framework in 2025, but the path to comprehensive tariff reduction and deeper market integration remains fraught. Trade disputes aren’t rare either between the US and the EU. Issues like steel and aluminium tariffs, regulatory taxes on tech and agriculture have periodically flared up.  A recent flashpoint between the United States and Europe has been tensions over Greenland, an autonomous territory of Denmark. Trump has been threatening military operations to annex Greenland, a key Arctic territory that could be the key to controlling navigation and the resultant exploitation of the ice-capped region. Throughout 2025–2026, the US made headlines with proposals to acquire Greenland, triggering protests in Copenhagen and raising broader alarm in the EU about US intentions in the Arctic. US threats to levy tariffs on European countries opposing this move sparked fears of a transatlantic trade confrontation. Although President Trump backed off the strongest threats at the World Economic Forum in 2026, the episode has contributed to a sense in some European capitals that Washington’s trade policies can be erratic and unpredictable, fuelling EU efforts to pursue more autonomous global economic partnerships. This isn’t just about Greenland. It reflects deeper frustrations with US unilateral trade policies and protectionist impulses that, in Europe’s view, undermine long-standing transatlantic cooperation. What This Means for the Future of Global Trade The India-EU FTA is a milestone in a world where traditional trade alliances are being reconfigured. Partnerships are no longer simply North Atlantic or US-centric; Asia, Europe and emerging market ties are gaining prominence. Despite a more fragmented global economy and rising protectionism, the India-EU deal demonstrates that deep, rules-based trade agreements remain possible and can drive economic growth and strategic stability. As China continues to assert its economic reach and the US focuses on domestic political priorities, partnerships like the India-EU FTA become crucial counterweights that help middle powers shape the global order. Final Take on India-EU FTA Implications The India-EU free trade agreement is far more than a tariff-cutting pact. It is a powerful global political

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Hindu Pogrom Under a Nobel Laureate’s Watch in Bangladesh

Ethnic Cleansing of Bangladeshi Hindus A Nobel Peace Prize is not a shield against scrutiny. Bangladesh’s post-August 2024 reality demands a hard, evidence-led assessment: violence against Hindus has escalated into a pattern that aligns with internationally recognised elements of ethnic cleansing. This is not a claim made lightly, nor is it built on rhetoric. It is grounded in documented indicators that appear repeatedly across historical cases, from the Balkans to Rwanda and the forced flight of Kashmiri Hindus. Our report, “Hindu Pogrom Under a Nobel Laureate’s Watch in Bangladesh,” examines what changed after the extra-constitutional transition that installed Muhammad Yunus as head of the interim administration. In the immediate aftermath of Sheikh Hasina’s ouster, Hindu homes and temples were specifically targeted, and minority families attempted to flee toward India. This is the first stage seen in many ethnic cleansing trajectories: a sudden collapse of security, followed by identity-targeted attacks that signal “you are not safe here.” Reuters reporting captured these early markers, including vandalism of Hindu temples and homes and attempted flight by minorities. Ethnic cleansing is defined less by slogans and more by method. The method in Bangladesh is visible through six elements. Forced displacement is the predictable output when a minority is subjected to sustained terror and sees no credible protection from the state. When families attempt to flee, when communities retreat into guarded enclaves, when daily life becomes a risk calculation, the displacement is no longer voluntary. It is coerced Violence and terror form the second element. The pattern includes killings by shooting, hacking, abduction, lynching, and arson. The purpose is not only to kill, but to send a message to all remaining members of the community. Dipu Chandra Das’s lynching and burning is an emblematic example of violence designed to intimidate, not merely to harm. Deliberate attacks on civilians are the third element. The victims are not combatants. They are teachers, traders, community leaders, elderly couples, workers, and youth. They are targeted in homes, workplaces, and transit routes, consistent with identity-based selection rather than incidental crime. In the first post-ouster phase, minority groups documented attacks on Hindu homes and temples across multiple districts, underscoring organised targeting rather than isolated incidents. Destruction of property is the fourth element, and it is a strategic tool. Burning homes, looting businesses, and desecrating temples do more than punish. They make return difficult, erase cultural presence, and collapse economic survival. These are classic “remove the population by destroying the conditions of life” tactics. Reuters recorded that hundreds of Hindu homes and businesses were vandalised and multiple temples damaged during the initial post-ouster violence. Confinement is the fifth element. Even without formal camps, a minority can be confined by fear. When communities self-restrict movement, rely on volunteer night-guards, and avoid public visibility, they are being functionally contained. This is how pressure accumulates until exit becomes the only perceived option. Systematic policy is the sixth element. Ethnic cleansing does not require a written decree. In many cases, it proceeds through the combination of organised extremist violence and state failure: weak protection, delayed response, denial of communal targeting, and persistent impunity. Here, the core accountability question is state responsibility. Minority groups have accused the interim government of failing to protect Hindus, and the Yunus administration has denied those allegations. Denial, in the presence of repeated identity-targeted attacks, is not neutrality. It is an enabling posture. This is where the Yunus interim administration becomes central. The issue is not whether Yunus personally directs each assault. The issue is whether the state under his leadership has fulfilled its duty to prevent, protect, investigate, prosecute, and deter identity-based violence. When the outcome is repeated killings, recurring temple attacks, widespread property destruction, and the steady tightening of fear around a minority community, responsibility does not stop at the street-level perpetrator. It rises to the governing authority. The report also examines the role of Islamist forces operating in the current environment. Independent reporting notes that hardline Islamist actors have become more visible and influential since the fall of Hasina. This matters because ethnic cleansing campaigns typically require both ideological mobilisation and operational impunity: a narrative that dehumanises the target, and a system that fails to punish the perpetrators. Bangladesh is at a decision point. It can either reassert protection for all citizens and rebuild the rule of law, or drift toward a majoritarian model where minorities survive only as tolerated remnants. The world has seen this script before. The lesson from Rwanda and the Balkans is that early warning indicators are not “political noise.” They are the architecture of atrocity. What is required now is not performative condemnation. It is measurable action: robust protection for minority localities, transparent investigations, prosecutions that reach organisers and inciters, disruption of extremist mobilisation networks, and independent monitoring that makes denial impossible. Without these steps, the pattern described in our report will continue to harden. The Nobel label does not change the facts on the ground. The responsibility of the interim government is to stop the trajectory. If it cannot, it must be treated internationally as enabling an ethnic cleansing process by omission, denial, and impunity.

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Kashmiri Hindus and Atrocity Crimes: A Legal Brief on Persecution and Forced Displacement

The brief argues that the removal of Kashmiri Hindus from the Valley must be read through the law of atrocity crimes, not through the language of “fear,” “sporadic violence,” or “voluntary migration.” Where civilians flee under targeted killings, sexual violence, intimidation, and the collapse of any real safety, the law treats the outcome as coerced displacement. The report applies the tribunal-tested standard of “genuine choice”: if staying is realistically impossible, leaving is not consent. The report aligns the record of atrocities with a structured legal framework. It traces a core objective consistent with ethnic cleansing: the creation of an ethnically homogeneous space through terror-driven removal. It then shows how the victim group was selected on inherited identity, not conduct, Kashmiri Hindus marked as a community. It documents the methods used to compel flight and prevent return: targeted assassinations and massacres, rape and sexual violence as terror, threats and social intimidation, property stripping and cultural erasure. Emblematic cases are examined to demonstrate how individual crimes served a collective outcome, including the assassination of advocate Tika Lal Taploo and the abduction, rape, and murder of Sarla Bhat. Legally, the brief explains that “ethnic cleansing” is not a standalone treaty offence, yet the conduct it describes is fully prosecutable through established categories: persecution, murder, rape, and forcible transfer as crimes against humanity, as well as war crimes within a conflict setting. It situates these findings within Indian constitutional guarantees, equality, life, movement, and religious freedom, alongside public international law standards on forced displacement and persecution. The report also sets out a responsibility chain. It argues that the perpetrator ecosystem was sustained by Pakistan-backed jihad infrastructure and local terrorist networks, and that the enabling environment was reinforced by ideological mobilisation and “soft separatist” cover that normalised denial and insulated perpetrators. Groups discussed include JKLF, Hizbul Mujahideen, Lashkar-e-Taiba, Jamaat-linked networks, Dukhtaran-e-Millat, and separatist fronts operating as political shields, most prominently the Hurriyat Conference. The brief outlines the legal rationale for examining cross-border financing, training, infiltration, and sanctuary under doctrines of state responsibility and aiding-and-assisting.

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Venezuela Case & UN - Crisis of Global Institutions

Venezuela Case & UN: Crisis of Global Institutions

The US aggression on Venezuela and the forcible capture of President Maduro raise a serious question about the efficiency of the UN as a global watchdog. It’s time to examine whether nations, which designed the post-1945 system, still regard themselves as committed to it, or treat the UN anchored treaty-based project as optional. Rahul Pawa On January 3, 2026, the U.S. forces launched a surprise strike inside Venezuela and forcibly removed President Nicolás Maduro and his wife, flying them to New York to face the U.S. charges. Reports described explosions in Caracas and the Maduro Government denounced an “imperialist attack” on national sovereignty. President Trump boasted on social media that the strike was carried out “in conjunction with U.S. law enforcement,” heralding Maduro’s capture as a triumph. The world responded with alarm. Venezuela’s interim Vice President, Delcy Rodríguez, demanded proof that the couple was alive. Russia and China voiced their strongest objections. Japan stressed the safety of its nationals, reaffirmed its commitment to “freedom, democracy, and the rule of law,” and indicated that it would work with G7 partners to help stabilise the region, while India expressed “deep concern” and reaffirmed support for the security of the Indian community and the people of Venezuela. Even within the United States, Secretary of State Marco Rubio acknowledged at a press briefing that Congress had not been consulted. These events raise stark legal questions. The core issues are jus ad bellum limits on the use of force, the prohibition on intervention and extraterritorial enforcement jurisdiction, the personal immunities of incumbent senior officials, and the consequences if the incursion triggered an international armed conflict. U.S. constitutional processes and the War Powers Resolution may constrain American decision-makers as a matter of domestic law, but they do not alter Venezuela’s rights under international law. Armed Assault or Law Enforcement Operation? Under the U.N. Charter, no state may unilaterally use military force against another except with Security Council approval or genuine self-defense. The US administration claims this was a cross-border “law enforcement” operation, but international law treats armed assaults like this as uses of force. As one expert summary notes, counter-narcotics or “illegitimacy” justifications cannot override Article 2(4)’s prohibition. Legal scholars agree that drug trafficking, even if a global scourge, is a criminal matter, not an armed conflict that justifies invasion. Customary international law adds another dimension: sitting heads of state have absolute immunity from arrest by foreign courts. Under the Arrest Warrant case and related practice, Maduro, as the incumbent Venezuelan President enjoys complete “inviolability” from forcible seizure. The U.S. might say it no longer recognises Maduro as legitimate, but international law does not allow one country to strip another’s leader of all protection while still holding it to its obligations. Even if Washington claims Noriega-like precedent, “unilateral kidnapping is unlawful regardless of recognition, and immunity questions aggravate, rather than cure, the illegality.”. Likewise, the principle of non-intervention is clear. “Cross-border apprehension” by force without the host state’s consent is an “unlawful exercise of enforcement power”. By sneaking in Marines or special ops to snatch Maduro, the U.S. bypassed all Venezuelan authorities and UN mechanisms. It also bypassed its own procedures by not informing Congress. As France’s foreign minister noted, the U.S., a Security Council member violated the principle of non-use of force and imposed an external solution, warning that “no sustainable political solution can be imposed from the outside” By employing bombs and missiles on Caracas, the operation arguably triggered an international armed conflict between two states. If so, the full body of international humanitarian law (IHL) applies. Every strike must meet IHL’s distinction and proportionality tests. For example, reported strikes that knocked out civilian power infrastructure would be illegal if the civilian harm outweighed any military gain. Moreover, once Maduro was captured, he became a protected person under the Geneva Conventions. He and his wife would be entitled to safe detention conditions and eventual release or trial, but under domestic law, not as prisoners of war. Importantly, even the abduction itself violates the duty to take “prisoners” only lawfully. In practical terms, neither side seems prepared to declare war, but the weapons used leave no doubt: the U.S. struck fixed targets with lethal force on foreign soil. Still, any escalation (for example armed skirmishes with Venezuelan forces) would immediately invoke full wartime protections. The Maduro abduction cannot be seen in isolation. In recent years, permanent members of the UN Security Council have repeatedly tested, stretched, or disregarded legal constraints: China has rejected the legal effect of the South China Sea arbitral award; Russia’s conduct in Ukraine has triggered sustained allegations of Charter breach; and the United States has its own history of unilateral uses of force, including the closely analogous 1989 intervention in Panama (Operation Just Cause). Each episode erodes confidence that treaties and the Charter’s restraints bind the most powerful as much as the rest. The United States is central to this story not only because it helped design the post-1945 order and was among the earliest to ratify the Charter, but also because its subsequent engagement with the UN’s treaty architecture has been selective. This is illustrated by continued non-ratification of major UN-linked instruments such as the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), and the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). Those choices do not reduce UN Charter obligations, but they sharpen doubts about commitment to the wider treaty-based project the UN Charter was designed to anchor. Unsurprisingly, the fiercest reaction came from Russia and China. After a China‑sponsored UNSC emergency session, several members condemned the raid as illegal, echoing concerns about a dangerous precedent. Russia’s Foreign Ministry condemned the raid online as “an act of armed aggression.” Intriguingly, France’s envoy reminded that any UN Security Council permanent member breaking the force ban would have “grave consequences for global security”. The cumulative message is clear: when the great powers act unilaterally, the

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Myanmar’s Strategic Crossroads China’s Influence, Western Interests and a Turbulent Election

Arun Anand Myanmar (formerly Burma) sits at a critical crossroads in Asia, both geographically and geopolitically. The country’s location – bordering China, India, Bangladesh, Thailand, and Laos, with a long coastline on the Bay of Bengal and Andaman Sea – makes it a bridge between South Asia and Southeast Asia. In fact, Myanmar is often described as the “main connecting hub” linking East, South, and Southeast Asia. Its shores provide access to the Indian Ocean’s major shipping lanes, which has long attracted great power interest. In short, Myanmar’s geostrategic location grants it outsized importance: it is the only Southeast Asian nation sharing borders with both India and China, and it offers a land gateway from the Bay of Bengal into the heart of Asia.

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Vivekananda for Gen Z on National Youth Day 2026

Vivekananda for Gen Z on National Youth Day 2026 CIHS DESK Gen Z is at a turning point in 2026. Many young minds, surrounded by information, polarised narratives, and instant outrage, are drawn towards extremes, ideological, political or social, not always out of conviction but frequently out of confusion, rage or a need for meaning. In this context, Swami Vivekananda appears not just as a historical figure but also as a mentor for young people looking for meaning. National Youth Day, which is marked on January 12 to commemorate the birth anniversary of Vivekananda, one of India’s most influential intellectuals and enduring voices for youth upliftment, serves as a reminder that while youth power can be destructive if left unchecked, it can also be transformative when it is grounded in strong values. Long before the internet era, Vivekananda was aware of this threat. He cautioned against mental weakness, emotional excess, and mindless imitation, conditions that frequently lead to vulnerability and exploitation in our times. His timeless teachings connect directly to Gen Z, a generation living through uncertainty and hyper-connectedness, navigating imported “woke” cultural constructs, and increasingly vulnerable to disruptive and extremist ideologies. Vivekananda addressed young people as active creators of the future rather than as passive inheritors of tradition. His message was straightforward but profound: develop inner strength, have faith in yourself, and direct your energy towards positive endeavours. Vivekananda’s teachings provide an alternate route based on purpose, balance, and accountability at a time when many young people look for significance in extremes, whether they be ideological, digital, or social. The notion that education is the unfolding of each person’s inherent excellence rather than just the acquisition of knowledge was fundamental to his worldview. Gen Z, generation rich in knowledge and experience but frequently weighed down by comparison, worry and outside approval, finds great resonance in this concept. Young people are reminded by Vivekananda’s emphasis on self-belief that one’s value is determined by one’s character and inner convictions rather than by followers, trends or approbation. His conviction that knowledge without integrity is worthless feels particularly important in this day and age, when radical groups frequently draw highly educated but morally disengaged adolescents. Self-belief was a fundamental tenet of Swami Vivekananda’s philosophy, as seen by his statement, “Weakness is sin.” He encouraged the young people to believe in themselves by acknowledging the limitless potential that each person possesses. According to him, self-belief is not conceit but rather a profound understanding of one’s inherent power and moral obligation, which elevates people to overcome obstacles, take responsibility and strive for greater goals. This inner confidence, according to Vivekananda, is the cornerstone of nation-building: strong, fearless and disciplined people inevitably develop into responsible citizens who advance society. He thought that a country created by self-assured people would be durable, forward-thinking and cohesive, strong not just materially but also morally and purposefully. Vivekananda’s emphasis on character development over credentials was equally significant. He cautioned that knowledge devoid of integrity is meaningless in an era fixated on rapid success and immediate recognition. He held that the moral foundation of both people and nations is composed of integrity, bravery, empathy and selflessness. Vivekananda’s emphasis on education as the “manifestation of inner perfection” is vital for Generation Z, who are often faced with narratives that split the world into adversaries and allies. This serves as a reminder that trustworthiness and moral fortitude, rather than indignation or radicalism, are the sources of long-lasting impact. Another foundation of the ideals held by Vivekananda was discipline. For him, discipline served as a link between values and conduct. People who possess self-discipline in their thoughts and actions can focus on their goals and use their energy in constructive ways. According to Vivekananda, disciplined people construct powerful organisations and nations and disciplined minds produce ordered lives. He believed that discipline was liberating rather than limiting, enabling people to overcome obstacles and flaws. Another characteristic that set him apart was his fearlessness. Vivekananda exhorted the young people to behave bravely, talk honestly, and think for themselves. But wisdom, not recklessness, was the source of his fearlessness. He was as opposed to blind revolt as he was to blind conformity. This is especially important now since polarisation, fear, and false information can lead young people to adopt extreme viewpoints. Young people are empowered by Vivekananda’s bravery to think critically, question, and change without resorting to violence or hatred. Today, when extremism frequently poses as bravery while stifling introspection and discussion, striking this balance is crucial. Swami Vivekananda, who helped bring Vedanta and Yoga to Western audiences, understood Bhagwan (God) as the universal, formless, all-pervading Truth. He stressed personal, direct realisation over rigid dogma, taught that the divine dwells in every soul, and encouraged people to seek Bhagwan through love, service, and compassion, an outlook profoundly shaped by his guru, Sri Ramakrishna. Combining faith in Bhagwan with self-belief establishes equilibrium, ensuring that power is used for everyone’s benefit and anchoring human endeavour in higher ideals. For Vivekananda, spirituality is a force that propels national advancement and humanitarian service rather than an escape. These principles together create a comprehensive foundation for greatness. Swami Vivekananda envisioned young people who are self-assured but modest, disciplined and energetic, courageous and caring and socially engaged but deeply rooted in their spirituality. He felt that these people are the real builders of a powerful, enlightened, and cohesive civilisation. National Youth Day serves as a reminder that, when directed by admirable ideals, young people’s enthusiasm, inventiveness and tenacity may influence society. Vivekananda’s teachings, “Believe in yourself and believe in Bhagwan (God),” is still relevant and continue to motivate young people to overcome obstacles, give freely to humanity and strive for a just as young people look for significance outside of extremes: true power comes from character, clarity and service rather than radicalism. On his birth anniversary, we are reminded to reflect upon his teachings and inspire young people to lead with honesty, bravery, and compassion, influencing not only their own future but

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