Human Rights Insurgency Policy Security

Naxal Terror on Wane, Red Corridor Crumbles

Bringing on board forest dwellers and tribal youth that are outside famed growth story through specially designed projects should form part of a comprehensive strategy Rohan Giri Bharat’s security forces undertook a massive counter-terrorism operation in the state of Chhattisgarh’s Kanker district on April 16, 2024 to capture naxalite terrorists. In the over-night operation, 29 Naxalite terrorists were eliminated in the fierce gun battle. Shankar Rao, a notorious naxalite terrorist with reward of Rs 25 lakhs for his capture was neutralised in the campaign. (The author is Head of Content at Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies, a New Delhi based non-partisan think-tank)

Hindus Media Security

580

Dreams, Promising Careers to Abrupt Death!

Harsh realities faced by Indian students seeking opportunities in US, Europe, UK & Australia need immediate recognition with comprehensive solutions Rohan Giri Shocking murder of Chirag Antil, 24-year-old student in Vancouver, Canada brings to fore pressing concerns that overseas students in particular from India faced while studying abroad. Chirag’s murder is not a singular instance. It’s culmination of several other such cases. It should be seen in light of the troubling trend of violence that impacts students who travel to several countries across geographies for education, leisure, work and business apart from leisure. A string of murders or deaths that were reported by media houses from different countries prompts immediate concerns about the adequacy of safety and protection measures for these expatriates. Since beginning of 2024, more than eleven Indian students in United States alone have tragically died, either as victims of murder or under suspicious circumstances. Chirag’s case follows an unsettlingly recognizable pattern: like most such occurrences, police investigations continue without capturing any of the perpetrators. US and Canadian authorities and media outlets till now have viewed many of these incidents as part of crime statistics and road rage. But, it’s important to recognize that each of these incidents signifies a profound and tragic loss for the families who have endured loss of their children. Chirag, hailed from Sonipat, Haryana, aspired to continue his studies in Canada. But, abrupt end to his life casts a long shadow over safety and wellbeing of our youngsters in these self-proclaimed advanced societies and nations. The response—or lack thereof—from local authorities, as well as perceived indifference, can exacerbate the family’s trauma. According to Chirag’s brother, Romit, communication from Canadian police has been minimal leaving the family to grapple for answers and support. Chirag’s murder has till date not been directly linked to targeted killing, but it is important to recognize the general threat perception for Indian diaspora in certain regions including threats from extremist groups. Khalistani extremist activity has been of significant concern in parts of Canada apart from US, European cities and UK. These extremist elements have had targeted persons of Indian origin over the years, creating a climate of fear and insecurity among the community. Violence plagues Vancouver as multiple gangs often engage in clashes, frequently involving innocent bystanders in their violent fights. Harsh Khatri, a close friend of Chirag Antil has told Glacier Media, “Antil was in the wrong place at the wrong time and misidentified.” Although Khatri did not explicitly attribute the occurrence to any particular gang or plot, the hint was apparent: these gangs are still actively and dangerously operative in Vancouver. A violent rampage from December 2020 to May 2021 highlights this dark reality resulting in loss of over fifteen lives due to gang-related violence. These violent clashes reflect picture of a city grappling with a persistent battle against gang violence where misidentification could lead to death. The city’s cycle of violence is heavily influenced by drug traffickers operating at medium to high levels. On March 30, 2024 gunfire broke out during daytime hours causing mayhem on streets of downtown Vancouver. The incident occurred on a Saturday afternoon, causing frightened visitors to quickly seek shelter in surrounding establishments and cafés. Eyewitness claimed that the assault was directed towards a specific individual who is believed to be a member of the infamous Brothers Keepers gang. The victim was inside a black SUV when bullets ruthlessly penetrated it. With a sense of urgency, the impaired vehicle rushed uncontrollably from an alley onto Robson Street, resulting in a collision with another SUV. In the midst of this disorder, two dogs sustained bullet injuries, requiring immediate medical attention from a veterinarian. There were no other injuries recorded. Nevertheless, the individuals responsible for the shootings are still unidentified and not apprehended and this resulted in the community not being able to cope with the ongoing recurrence of violence associated with gangs. Situation emphasizes the importance of strong and effective support mechanisms for students, both from the countries hosting them and from their home country’s diplomatic channels. The efforts made by Chirag’s family to bring his body back to their home country Bharat with the help of an internet fundraising platform (GoFundMe) and involvement of Indian authorities highlight larger problem of bureaucratic and logistical obstacles that can intensify the sorrow experienced by grieving families. Indian government and its diplomatic missions overseas have consistently expressed concern about escalation in extremist activities and their potential consequences for security of Indian diaspora. Indian students in Canada have an extra level of vulnerability which necessitates that they be more cautious and take stronger security measures. Extremist factions have a tendency to escalate isolated incidents into larger confrontations or deliberate assaults on individuals with Indian affiliation. The lack of immediate and transparent communication from Canadian authorities, as described by the family, points to a need for improved international cooperation on such sensitive incidents. Diplomatic entities must proactively engage and support nationals in distress, ensuring they do not navigate foreign legal and procedural mazes alone. Chirag’s death brings to light essential measures for safety of international students. Educational institutions and local governments must bolster their efforts to ensure these young individuals are not just seen as temporary residents or tuition payers but as integral, protected members of the community. Enhanced safety measures, clear communication channels and dedicated support for international students are imperative to prevent such tragedies and nurture a truly inclusive and secure environment. Tragic end to Chirag Antil’s promising journey is a call for action by all stakeholders involved in international student mobility. It’s a reminder of the responsibilities that host nations like US, European members, UK and Australia should shoulder towards these young lives, far from home, in pursuit of their avocation. (the author is Head of Content at Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies, a New Delhi based non-partisan think-tank)

Hindus Judiciary Policy

673

THE BHOJSHALA

Located within the Dhar district of Madhya Pradesh, India, Bhojshala stands as an ancient Hindu institution devoted to Devi Vagdevi (Saraswati). In recent times, it has become the center of heated debate, with the Archaeological Survey of India conducting a thorough scientific survey of the site. Bhojshala’s significance lies in its multitude of layers, which encompass historical, theological, and cultural dimensions. It stands as a profound exemplar, showcasing the intricate intersections between historical legacy and Bharat’s contemporary faith-based and nationalistic foundations. Introduction Bhojshala stands as a poignant symbol of India’s rich tapestry of religious and cultural heritage. Established in the 11th century by the renowned Raja Bhoja of the Paramara dynasty, it was envisioned as a bastion of Sanskrit learning and Vedic wisdom, epitomising the intellectual zenith of medieval India. However, in the 13th century, the arrival of the Delhi Sultanate, led by the Islamic invader Alauddin Khilji, marked a dark chapter in Bhojshala’s history. The esteemed center of knowledge underwent significant destruction, partly transforming into the Kamal Maula Mosque, an Islamic structure. This event profoundly shaped the religious and cultural landscape of the region. Today, Bhojshala finds itself embroiled in a contentious altercation between Hindu and Muslim communities, each vying for religious rights and laying claim to the site’s historical significance. The annual Hindu festival of Basant Panchami often becomes a flashpoint, with tensions escalating as Muslim groups assert their right to worship at the revered location. Particularly volatile situations arise when Basant Panchami coincides with a Friday, frequently resulting in clashes. Amidst this turmoil, the Archaeological Survey of India, which is currently conducting a comprehensive survey of this heritage site. Yet, as Bhojshala remains a focal point of debate, it represents the broader dynamics of demolition of cultural heritage in India. Historical Background Bhojshala offers a captivating glimpse into India’s opulent medieval era, epitomised by the reign of Raja Bhoja, a luminary among the educated monarchs of the Paramara dynasty. Celebrated for his patronage of the arts, literature, and architecture, Raja Bhoja established Bhojshala as a prestigious center of learning, dedicated to the goddess of wisdom, Saraswati. It flourished as a vibrant hub where scholars and students from diverse backgrounds converged to delve into the study of Sanskrit and the Vedas, leaving an indelible mark on the intellectual and social fabric of the time. However, Bhojshala underwent a significant transformation with the advent of Islamic invaders in the region. During the 13th century, Alauddin Khilji’s expansion into the Indian subcontinent precipitated a notable decline in Bhojshala’s prominence and identity. Once revered for its educational and religious significance, the site was partially repurposed into a mosque, known as the Kamal Maula Mosque. This era marked the onset of a complex stratification of cultural and religious identities, as reflected in the alteration of Bhojshala’s architecture and spiritual essence. The architectural remnants of Bhojshala today bear witness to its storied past. Its design elements echo the Hindu architectural styles of its inception, while Islamic motifs were incorporated during its conversion into a mosque. This amalgamation serves as a poignant symbol of the enduring and far-reaching impact of history and culture on the Indian subcontinent. Bhojshala’s historical significance as a center of learning and religious devotion serves as a poignant testament to Bharat’s cultural richness and the enduring legacy of its ancient civilisation. The ongoing struggle over worship rights at Bhojshala underscores the complex interplay between contemporary religious identities and historical legacies, providing a compelling illustration of the intricate dynamics between history, religion, and politics in shaping the destiny of cultural treasures. Hindu Struggle for Bhojshala The battle to reclaim and safeguard Bhojshala stands as a testament to the indomitable spirit of Hindus, a struggle ignited in 1305 when the Islamic invader Alauddin Khilji besieged Malwa in present-day Madhya Pradesh. This brutal onslaught ravaged numerous revered Hindu institutions, including Bhojshala. Yet, in the face of adversity, the courageous acharyas (educators) and students stood unwavering, engaging in fierce combat. When 1200 esteemed scholars were presented with the dire ultimatum of conversion or death, their steadfast refusal to abandon their Sanatan Dharma in favour of Islam led to their brutal massacre, their bodies desecrated within the sacred precincts of Bhojshala. The aggression did not cease there. In 1401, under the guise of empire-building, Dilawar Khaw Ghori audaciously attempted to convert Vijay Mandir (Surya Martand Temple), now known as Lat Masjid, and sections of Saraswati Mandir Bhojshala into Islamic structures. This sacrilegious endeavour was further pursued in 1514 by Mehmud Shah Khilji II, who sought to obliterate Bhojshala and eradicate its Hindu legacy by transforming it into a mosque. The tomb of Kamal Maulana (who died in 1310) was erected 204 years posthumously as part of a sinister plot to usurp the Saraswati Temple Bhojshala.Even the British colonialists played a role in this cultural plunder. In 1902, Lord Curzon dispatched the revered statue of Maa Vagdevi to England, a priceless relic of our heritage now confined to the London Museum. In the modern era, the state administration not only turned a deaf ear to cries for justice but actively opposed efforts to liberate Bhojshala and restore the statue of Mata Vagdevi. In a blatant act of suppression, 273 activists were detained in 1996. In May 1997, then-Chief Minister Digvijay Singh controversially issued a decree permitting the performance of Namaz within Bhojshala’s sacred precincts every Friday, sparking widespread democratic protests and demonstrations by the Hindu community. This served as a testament to their unwavering resolve to defend their cultural and religious sanctity. The struggle for Bhojshala transcends mere territorial disputes; it embodies a fervent crusade to revive an ancient bastion of knowledge, science, art, culture, and spirituality. It symbolises the broader battle to reclaim countless Indian and Hindu institutions still unlawfully encroached upon. This is a clarion call to resist cultural erasure and stand steadfast against forces seeking to diminish our rich heritage. Government and Legal Interventions In 1904, recognising the rich historical legacy and illustrious past of Bhojshala, the imperialist British administration granted it

Policy

529

Has Economic Inequality Risen in Bharat?

World Inequality Lab report methodology, databases deployed are questionable & biased. It does not stand rigour of academic scrutiny. Chaitanya Khurana Over past several years, Bharat has made remarkable progress in ending poverty and hunger. In July 2023, United Nations has said that 415 million people have been brought out of extreme poverty within just 15 years spanning from 2005 – 21. These numbers were mentioned in absolute as part of global multidimensional poverty index which was released by United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), Oxford Poverty and Human Development Initiative (OPHI). Surjit S. Bhalla & Karan Bhasin, renowned commentators on poverty and economic issues recently reviewed latest official consumption expenditure data for 2022-23 which has shown an unprecedented reduction in rural and urban inequality. The inference from this latest released official data is that Bharat has achieved a remarkable feat of ending extreme poverty and there are suggestions for upward revision in poverty line and redefining existing social protection programmes for better targeting of beneficiaries so that few people who might have been left behind are uplifted. On the contrary, World Inequality Lab report, “Income and Wealth in India, 1922-2023: The Rise of the Billionaire Raj” (Pikketty et al, 2024) has made some claims that may not be tenable as per data points available in public domain. As per World Inequality Lab report, inequality levels declined post-independence but after early ‘80s, income and wealth inequality spiked and increased at rapid pace from early 2000s. The report claims that in terms of Income and Wealth, India’s top one percent holds 22.6 per cent and 40.1per cent respectively. The report added that India’s top one percent holds the highest income and wealth as against their peers in any other country and higher than South Africa, Brazil and USA. This is not the first time that Western Think Tanks and self-proclaimed intellectuals tried to defame India’s rising economic growth and success the country had in uplifting its poor. They seem to harbour unfounded fears in Bharat’s rise, dominance as an economic power and leader of the changing world order. The report has so many flaws and deficiencies that it may not stand academic scrutiny of its Data and methodologies used. On both the metrics, World Inequality Lab is flawed and found deficiencies. This whole analysis regarding Bharat’s wealth inequality is more propaganda and less of reality. First limitation in the World Inequality Lab arises out of combining data sets. Usually, Different databases use different methodologies to collect and estimate data. It is not an acceptable academic practice to combine two datasets just for the sake of an analysis. For instance, the report uses forecasting techniques of interpolation and extrapolation which can give you biased and inconsistent results as these are estimates and forecasts, not actual data. Instead of using latest consumption expenditure data, the study uses Generalized Pareto interpolation techniques for extracting which in itself shows that the data has been generated which can be inconsistent and biased because all forecasting techniques have limitations. The two datasets PLFS and HCES used in the report are not comparable so therefore claims of rising inequality are false. The reliance on PLFS data of the past which has been red flagged by India, International Labour Organization and giving this information in the footnote explains the hidden agenda. Secondly, tax collections database cannot be the basis to justify its claim on rising inequality. Higher tax collections imply that over the years, tax compliance has become better, more and more people are coming into the tax net with taxable incomes. Taking the tax database from 1920 and concluding that top one per cent earned less before 2010 and 1990 eras pre-supposes uniform tax compliance over the years which is absolutely false. Thirdly, focus of the authors was solely on top one per cent income earners in India. Over past many years, many foreign think tanks and intellectuals have had problems with Indian billionaires but if the billionaire was from a western developed economy, then it is not a crime. The report has cherry picked top one per cent earners and ignored emerging middle class that expanded considerably over past many years and constitute 31 percent of the population. Fourthly, the report has attempted to focus on perceived inequality aspect which is a very uni-dimensional approach to poverty. Many development economists now use multi-dimensional poverty index (MPI) to measure poverty and inequality which is more appropriate for analyzing the reduction in poverty for any country. Niti Aayog’s report on MPI has shown that 248 million individuals in India have overcome multi-dimensional poverty between 2013-23 and this holds greater significance for the typical ambitious Indian than count of billionaires in the nation. Reduction of Poverty is the ultimate goal and reduction inequality is its consequence. Fifth, the Report considers market capitalization or stock market wealth as part of net wealth. This is a very debatable assumption which has been considered in the report. Top one percentile income earners’ companies are listed on the stock market and with their valuations increasing related stock prices on the boom, suggestion has made that it translated to higher wealth for these income earners. On the contrary, if the stock prices fell and valuations dipped, their wealth would decrease and inequality shrinks. Taking this as a parameter to comment on India‘s inequality is completely inconsistent with good academic data driven rigor. This is not the first time that Piketty’s work has been criticized by economists and related commentators for its use of erroneous methodologies and inconsistent results. Geloso, Magness, Moore and Schlosser wrote in 2003 that in the Paper titled. “How Pronounced is the U-Curve? Revisiting Income Inequality in the United States, 1917–60”, inequality for United States of America has been overstated. Hence, the Inequality Lab report does not stand academic scrutiny, inconsistent and flawed with its methodologies and results which shows that this is just propaganda and nothing more. (Author is a doctoral scholar in finance at Indian Institute of Management, Indore)

Human Rights

654

Human Rights Organizations Expose Pakistan Over Falak Noor Case in Gilgit Baltistan, Call for Justice and Accountability

Abduction of 13-year old minor girl Falak Noor from Sultanabad, Gilgit in Pakistan Occupied Jammu & Kashmir (POJK) has ignited global distress after her father sought both media and police help in her rescue. Though Noor’s father filed an FIR reporting her disappearance, precious little was done by the Pakistani police in 50 days forcing the distressed family to run from pillar to post. Human rights organizations came down heavily on Pakistan for infringing upon peoples’ fundamental rights. Her case attracted global criticism and sparked concerns about Pakistan’s ability to defend minority and kids rights, especially in areas such as Gilgit Baltistan, where sectarian strife is common. Pakistan government’s handling of Falak Noor’s case even in the face of massive demonstrations and demands for justice has come under fire for being inadequate and lacking urgency. Human rights abuses have continued to be a worrying global issue in recent years and Pakistan has frequently come under fire for its dismal track record in this area. Gilgit – Baltistan, illegally occupied territory by Pakistan has been focus of public outcry and rallies in response to Falak Noor’s case throwing light on the plight & challenges faced by the region’s marginalised community and stresses on Pakistan’s responsibility to respect justice, safeguard human rights. This incident casts serious doubt on the nation’s commitment to preserving core human rights values. Noor’s case is not off the block. Rather, it serves as a grim reminder of larger difficulties that marginalised populations in Gilgit Baltistan confront each day. For past 70 years, indigenous tribes in the area have fought for recognition and autonomy, subject to marginalisation and discrimination at the hands of government. Referencing Falak Noor’s case at the protest march, local leader and Deputy General Secretary of National Trade Union Federation Masir Mansoor emphasised that only the administration is accountable for kidnapping of these defenseless girls and civilians. The grave situation prevailing in Gilgit-Baltistan has also amplified sorry state of affairs in Balochistan and Sindh. Pakistan administration is falling short of its responsibilities everywhere[1]. Human rights organisations, both domestically and internationally, have lambasted the Pakistani government on how indifferent handling of Falak Noor case. The authorities’ tardiness in looking into the claims and making sure that people in danger, such as Falak Noor, are secure is indicative of a larger trend of disregarding rights of minorities and maintaining freedom. Frequent kidnappings, abuses and inhuman treatment of minorities have also sparked worries about the legal gaps and societal prejudices that make it difficult to prosecute those responsible for forced conversions and kidnappings of youngsters. Blasphemy laws are frequently used as an instrument to target minorities in Pakistan, who are subject to systemic discrimination and persecution. Given the global uproar around Falak Noor’s case, Pakistan must act quickly to address the structural problems that trigger human rights violations in Gilgit Baltistan. This entails prosecuting those who target abductions, protecting the safety and security of underprivileged populations, and defending the rule of law and justice. Ironically the so called advocates of peace, who otherwise would leave no stone unturned in case of such an incident happening anywhere else, are silent! Is it because they fear the threat from the Islamist fundamentalists? Or is it a conscious decision to raise issues of certain geography(s)? Abduction of Falak Noor highlights how urgently Pakistan must rectify its violations of human rights and honour its international obligations to defend the rights of minorities. Pakistan Human Rights Commission (HRC) claims that in cases of kidnapping, forced conversions, or sexual abuse of young girls and women, police usually do little and allow the perpetrators to escape, as was the case with Falak Noor, whose father is pressurized to reach a compromise involving land and 1.5 million PKR from the abductors[2]. Pakistan’s human rights record has reached an all-time low as a result of numerous media reports and international organisations exposing the appalling circumstances there. Unfortunately, despite the fact that kidnapping and forced conversion have been important issues in Pakistan for a very long time, no significant political party has yet to implement legislation to address them. Pakistan has demonstrated once more how little regard it has for the lives of its oppressed minorities! Abduction, forced marriages, rape, and conversions against their will of minority girls and women are happening persistently. Falak Noor’s case in Gilgit Baltistan is a stark reminder of the difficulties human rights advocates in Pakistan face as well as the pressing need for justice and accountability. There is increasing pressure on Pakistan to resolve these issues and show that it is committed to upholding fundamental human rights as calls for justice and accountability become stronger. In addition, it is imperative to reinforce accountability procedures to guarantee that individuals who violate human rights, such as those implicated in forced conversions and kidnapping incidents, face consequences and are prosecuted. Pakistan, a nation whose inhumanity has progressed to the point of no return, lacks humanism. A paedophilia emergency exists, primarily affecting young girls from underrepresented areas. From 4253 incidences of child abuse—including cases of kidnapping, missing children, and child marriages—recorded in 86 newspapers, according to Sahil, an NGO study titled “Cruel Numbers 2022” to 2227 cases of child abuse from January-June 2023, shows that 12 children on average everyday were subjected to abuse[3]. Police, judiciary and administration all are accomplices in criminal activity and highlights Pakistan government’s failure to put in place appropriate safeguards or prosecute offenders, attacks against women, particularly young girls, have increased. As a UN Human Rights Council member, Pakistan should clean house before lecturing the rest of the world about upholding human rights and treating its citizens with dignity. (Author Pummy Pandita is head of operations at Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies, a non-partisan think tank based in New Delhi) [1] Protesters issue ‘ultimatum’ to authorities, demand safe return of abducted minor girl in Gilgit Baltistan (msn.com) [2] Falak Noor Abduction Case: A Continuation of Forced Child Marriages in Pakistan – Youlin Magazine [3] https://sahil.org/cruel-numbers/

Geopolitics

535

West’s Supremacist, Colonial Mindset Gets Exposed

Bharat does not require dictates in democratic principles from US, Germany or other European powers. West’s misguided, outdated and conceited assumptions must be abandoned outright. Rahul Pawa April and May 2024 will be etched as ‘decisive months’ in Bharat’s modern history as the country prepares for yet another dance of democracy, a five-yearly feature. It also unfolds the grand electoral exercise when an estimated 970 million voters would exercise their franchise to elect a new government. Bharat’s citizens spanning geographic landscape from the mighty Himalayas in the north to vast Indian Ocean in the south and from Thar Desert in the west to the Mishmi Hills in the east would queue up to vote and elect the new government for next five years. As per Election Commission of India, the electorate this year includes 20 million young first-time voters and 14.1 million newly registered female voters amongst 1.4 billion population, indicating a significant uptick in youth and female participation in Bharat’s democratic process. Hosting the world’s most expansive, inclusive and resilient proven democratic exercise may not have been fully appreciated by Western powers. And, Bharat finds itself as the target of unsolicited interventions by her Western counterparts like United States Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF), German Foreign Office, US State Department and United Nations (UN). These actions portray an arrogant presumption, a misplaced sense of superiority and a lingering colonial mindset that presupposes Western democratic models as the pinnacle of governance, undermining the sovereignty and integrity of Bharat’s electoral, legislative and constitutional workings. West have had often cited Athens as cradle of democracy, a system born from the union of the Greek terms ‘demos’ (people) and ‘kratos’ (power). This narrative positions Athenian model established under Cleisthenes in the fifth century BCE as the archetype of people-powered governance. Yet, this Eurocentric perspective overlooks profound democratic ethos embedded within the ancient civilization of Bharat, predating Greek democracy by centuries. Bharat’s engagement with democratic principles is not a borrowed concept but a homegrown tradition that finds its roots in the Rig Veda, estimated to be composed around 1500 BCE. This ancient text reveals a society where governance was not the dominion of a singular ruler but a collaborative effort involving the collective wisdom of the Sabha (assembly) and Samiti (council), indicative of an evolved and sophisticated understanding of democratic governance far before emergence of Greek Athenian model. Vedic texts including both the Rig and Atharva vedas, detail existence of assemblies where decisions were deliberated in the presence of kings, ministers and scholars. Such gatherings were characterized by inclusive discussions and integration of diverse viewpoints embodying the essence of democratic dialogue. Approval of these assemblies led to electing or identifying a leader or ‘rajan’ unlike in the west. The very concept of a leader or ‘Rajan’ was neither divine, absolute nor hereditary. Systemic checks and balances resonate with current democratic ideals. The invocation of ‘Samjnana’ in the Rig Veda symbolizing collective consciousness furthers intrinsic democratic spirit of ancient Bharat. This term, representing unity of thought and purpose among the people, was foundational to Vedic concept of governance where decisions were made through consensus reflecting a commitment to communal harmony and mutual respect. Moreover, historical records of Mahabharata and governance models described in Kautilya’s Arthashastra reveal a continuum of democratic practices through various epochs including republican systems of Licchavi and Vaishali where leaders were elected rather than born into power. Such examples affirmed that principles of democracy—participation, deliberation and representation—are not new to Bharat but are woven into the fabric of its society. Considering this wealth of historical evidence, the notion that Bharat requires dictates in democratic principles from a Western standpoint is not only misguided but perpetuates an outdated and conceited assumption that ought to be abandoned without delay. Bharat’s democratic and judicial frameworks are subjected to proliferated patterns of interference from international organizations necessitating a detailed examination of the motives and potential impacts of such foreign meddling. United States Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) established by Christian missionary groups concerned with the alleged persecution of Christian missionaries worldwide has positioned itself as a self-appointed global arbiter of religious freedom. Over years, it has regularly vocalized, often misleadingly, about Bharat’s society and governance. Since 2013-14, USCIRF’s stance towards Bharat has been significantly influenced by its interactions with Indian American Muslim Council (IAMC), an organization linked to the Islamic Circle of North America (ICNA), an offshoot of Jamaat-e-Islami (Pakistan), particularly regarding Citizenship Amendment Act. This relationship, uncovered by independent research from an Open Source Intelligence (OSINT) firm indicates a strategic campaign to influence US policy and public opinion against Bharat highlighting a complex network of influences that questions USCIRF and other such US based entities and their impartiality in evaluations concerning Bharat. Recent machinations to portray Bharat in a negative context magnify apprehensions regarding international discourse surrounding Bharat’s internal matters. Germany’s criticism of lawful arrest of Indian politician Arvind Kejriwal and remarks by UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres questioning integrity of its electoral process not only encroach upon the principles of sovereign equality and non-interference but also reveal a pattern of biased and agenda-driven scrutiny. Strikingly, Germany’s observations, juxtaposed against its role in hosting Nuremberg trials which aspired to set global legal precedents and ensure legal accountability at the highest levels of governance particularly stand out. United Nations bound by its charter to respect the sovereignty of its member states, seems increasingly influenced by growing financial contributions of Communist Party of China (CPC) indicating a shift in the dynamics of international power play. These developments do not merely affect the mechanisms of global governance but hint at complex strategic maneuvers, acknowledging resurgent Bharat as a principal contender in this global maze. Bharat advances towards electing her representatives to 18th Lok Sabha which is essentially a celebration of democracy that is unparalleled in scale and tradition, Unwarranted overreach by West into Bharat’s sovereign affairs and internal matters casts a long shadow over their intent and interest. This external curiosity cloaked in the guise of

Hindus Human Rights Security

552

Hindus in Pakistan Face Elimination

Pakistan’s Supreme Court is in denial mode while girls from minority groups face inhuman torture, rape, forced farce marriages & murders Rohan Giri Priya Kumari, a minor Hindu girl was abducted from Sukkur in Pakistan’s Sindh state. The administration’s deficient response to her kidnapping compelled endangered Hindu minority of Balochistan to take to streets in protest. In the wake of these public demonstrations particularly by Hindu community in Dera Murad Jamali, Balochistan, Zia Ul Hasan Lanjar, Home Minister of Sindh State Government announced a Joint Investigation Team (JIT). But, this measure barely addresses root of the problem: the frequent abductions have alarmingly become a regular ordeal of minority Hindu community underscoring a deep-seated systemic issue that continues to afflict their daily lives. Sindh known for its rich cultural fabric and a cradle of ancient civilizations of united India may have relinquished its uniqueness. Present day Sindh under Pakistan occupation has hogged headlines for relentless persecution of Hindu minorities. Incidents of rape, abduction, murder and coerced religious conversion have grown distressingly frequent thereby illustrating a community that’s under siege and repression. The frequent targeting of Hindu girls and women often abducted from their families, forcibly converted to Islam and married against their will wells up fears owing to systematic campaign of terror and oppression. Faith linked violence has been widespread in Pakistan since its separation from India. The consistent failure of local authorities and broader Pakistani state apparatus to protect Hindu minorities or prosecute their aggressors points to a grim reality of state complicity. Such inaction not only emboldens perpetrators but signifies a deeper, institutionalized form of faith related discrimination. The impact of this neglect extends beyond immediate victims and their families, creating a climate of fear that permeates the entire Hindu community in Pakistan. Human Rights Focus Pakistan (HRFP) has issued a vehement denunciation of the ongoing religious persecution faced by minority communities in Pakistan. It called for enacting of a legislation that ensures equal rights for all citizens. It’s an incontrovertible reality that minorities in Pakistan live under constant shadow of fear, vulnerable to attacks and persecution at the hands of Islamist extremists. Islamic clerics are at forefront of this oppression, playing pivotal roles in forced conversions of minority girls by sanctioning and facilitating these acts within mosques and madrassas. Numerous case studies[1] reveal the systematic abuse perpetrated by Islamists, a grim scenario made possible by Pakistan’s lenient judicial system, the tacit approval of local imams, and financial backing of influential political figures and elites. This complex web of complicity underscores the profound societal implications of these practices. How Pakistan’s judiciary is also involved in the cleansing of minority religious groups can be understood by Pakistan’s Supreme Court statement of June 2014, which says, “So far as the allegation of forcible conversion of Hindu girls is concerned, although criminal cases were registered in Punjab, Sindh, and Balochistan, yet generally it was found that most of girls had eloped with persons of their choice and married at their own free will.” This may not be true in several cases. For instance, Mahnoor Ashraf, a 14-year-old Pentecostal Christian girl was abducted by her 40-year-old Muslim neighbor Muhammad Ali Khan Ghauri. Ghauri coerced her to convert or get killed. Is this free will of a minor girl? Parsha Kumari, a Hindu teenager was abducted by Abdul Saboor in Sindh province. Abdul Saboor tortured her, raped her, forced her to convert to Islam and then forcibly married her. On March 14, 2022, a 13-year-old minor Hindu girl Bindiya Meghwar was abducted in Khairpur District of Sindh. Bindiya and her family were assaulted after they resisted the kidnapping by five radicalised Islamist men, Ijaz Pathan, Ijaz Ahmed, and their three companions. She was taken by car to one of Mirpur Mathelo’s madrasas. There, she was brutally beaten, and gang raped by the men. The brutality did not stop there, the Muslim men went on to film her while raping her and threatened that they would make her rape tape go viral if she retaliated. The little girl was then forcibly converted to Islam and married to Ijaz Ahmed, the man who had abducted her. There are several cases that are crying for justice, but if the judiciary is biased and fundamentalist, then how can these forcible acts be remedied? Throughout leadership of Muhammad Ali Jinnah, Zia-Ul-Haq, and present day Shehbaz Sharif’s administration, Islamic Republic of Pakistan has constantly demonstrated failure to protect rights and interests of its religious minorities. This grave situation is not only getting worse but rapidly deteriorating further even as Supreme Court in Pakistan continues to be on denial mode. Ways of co-existence with people practicing other faiths seems contradictory to Pakistani Muslims. Sectarian warfare, specifically by Islamic extremists, is severely dividing the country, actively pursuing eradication of minority groups like Hindus, Christians, Sikhs and others who dare to exist within their territory. These factions have succeeded to an extent in expanding their ideology of hatred and terrorism globally, adopting extremist ways to perpetrate attacks and cause deaths of innocent people. This is not merely a state failure; it is a very severe and uncontrolled human calamity that ridicules fundamental idea of peace and coexistence. Chilling reality of abductions, persecution, forced conversions, forced marriages, and murders in Pakistan exposes a concerted effort to eradicate religious minority communities. These instances of violence and persecution are not isolated occurrences but a systematic campaign to wipe out religious plurality from society. In today’s multifaceted global landscape, the outdated fallacies of Jinnah hold no relevance, nor do the policies enacted by Zia ul Haq. Their activities and thoughts can only build a fundamentalist nation and society that’s anti-human. (Author: Rohan Giri is a journalism graduate from Indian Institute of Mass Communication (IIMC) New Delhi, and Manager Operations at CIHS.) [1] Persecution of minority Hindu, Sikh and Christian Women and Girls in the Islamic Republic of Pakistan – CIHS – Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies

Geopolitics Leadership

567

Changed Foreign Policy Stems from Bharat’s Cohesive Leadership

‘Why Bharat matters’ is a wonderful and compact rendition of the dynamic policy matrix by S. Jaishankar while being in corner office! Dr Amritpal Kaur When the realist External affairs Minister present a clinical picture of the world affairs in a compact book, it should be read with all the care. It’s because the analysis of a career diplomat is palpable and it also gives a sense of the minds that work at the helm, in the control room, assiduously at work of foreign policy making and execution. As the book unfolds, it reveals to the reader nuances of International relations from contemporary Indian vantage point from the actors end to the influencers arena, to general people who more often than not, are at the receiving end. Broadly, the book deals with various stakeholders of Indian Foreign Policy, past and present. It discusses the government’s account of international issues as well as the take of people sitting inside the power corridors or outside it. Sardar Patel, Syama Prasad Mookerjee and Dr. B R Ambedkar’s views on foreign policy issues which were not mainstreamed by the then Government of India are discussed. The point that Jaishankar is driving home in this book and his earlier publication, The India Way is that many problems of today have their roots in yesteryear’s regimes. These issues have over the years become soar points for India, territorial disputes and strategic-tactical missteps taken by Indian dispensation are the glaring examples. Why Sardar Patel or Mookerjee matter today, in part, is because they tried to warn about these mistakes and had the Government taken their suggestions on board, the picture might have been different today. There is also a shift in the approach to International relations within Indian government since the last decade and this shift comes through the book as well Nationalist foreign policy, in place of third world internationalism, open ended multipolar world order with greater role for countries like India. Jaishankar calling out the double standards that dominant powers use for similar situations are some of the examples of this shift. In many ways, Why Bharat Matters is a book that announces to the world that India has arrived, again! It goes beyond the usual standard academic analysis, into the fields of real time variables with direct impact on contours of policy making. For example, how Government of India responded to crises like COVID 19, Ukraine war, Afghanistan crisis are some issues dealt with in the book on a first person account basis. What also contribute to its salience is that Jaishankar has a deep and detailed knowledge about International relations and the games that nations play and it is this knowledge which peeps through the book. As much as it is a written word, it is also a policy statement of Government of India, its approach and stakes in international relations. In that sense, it is not a dated analysis, rather an up-to-date, in-the-moment picture of the events that have happened in the past decade and are transpiring as we write and read. What sets this analysis apart is not just frankness of Jaishankar in offering his perspective on issues, but the cool matter-of-fact assertion of strategic elbow room that India is claiming in foreign relations under mounting pressure from various parties. That India needs to take into account its own unique predicaments and opportunities to accomplish its own national goals are according to Jaishankar its raison d’etat. Though the world is still coming to terms with this changed attitude on the Indian side, but the change itself came about with the cohesive leadership under the present dispensation. Interestingly, for Jaishankar India’s arrival is not a new-kid-on-the-block phenomenon, rather it was coming for a long time. India’s rise in the past decade is the central argument of the book. There are certain fixtures of Indian foreign policy, which has remained constant in the analysis too, that is, centrality of Prime Minister in terms of Foreign Policy making, the neighbourhood policy emanating from Gujral Doctrine and the impact of foreign policy on general public. A chapter dedicated to Prime Minister Modi, his world-view and approach to foreign policy is a telling example of how Prime Ministers keep foreign policy as their own prerogative domain. It can be argued that centrality of Prime Minister in foreign policy formulation emanates from the fact that as the leader of the country, he or she has a direct hand in how the world sees us and how should the world be dealt with. Jaishankar argues in the book that on all occasions, it has been crystal clear vision of Prime Minister Modi that led the way for clearer formulations in foreign policy. That the book declares India’s arrival on the world stage as a fait accompli, not as a third world country, but as a frontline state with increasing stakes in the outcomes of international politics can also be attributed to confidence of leadership in standing up and owning responsibility in precarious situations. The book is a telling story of how the shift in confidence of leadership impacts the policy outcomes and Prime Minister as the prime example of this evolution. Dr. S Jaishankar’s experience as a seasoned Diplomat is palpable in the book he put together. The depth and crux of issues pertaining to India’s international relations are visible in his analysis. In certain ways, his style reminds one of Henry Kissinger, with crisp, assertive language and a punch in the end. However, the problem with the work is that it reads more like a diplomat’s manual than a foreign policy analysis. For an amateur reader, with no background in the foreign policy analysis the book is somewhat difficult to follow due to the insufficient information given. For example, in discussing the Afghan crisis and its outcome for USA, an indepth analysis would have been a more impactful. Issues that the book raises are pertinent in their own right, their salience could be accentuated by additional

Guest Column Hindus

1.16K

Interview – RSS Pursues Five Grand Transformative Ideas

It is beyond doubt that the work of the RSS is progressing steadily. Bharat is fast assuming a distinct and powerful identity on the global stage. Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh has contributed significantly towards social enlightenment by championing the aforementioned truth, and also by countering the challenges posed by demonic detractors of Bharat. To proliferate nationalistic thoughts at an even greater pace and to deepen and expand its work, the Sangh is now ready with the idea of ‘Panch Parivartan’ (Fivefold Transformations). On the occasion of the Akhil Bharatiya Pratinidhi Sabha held in Nagpur from March 15 to 17, 2024, decisions have been made to work on dimensions that will mark the completion of a century of the Sangh’s existence. This year, the number of representatives present in the Pratinidhi Sabha seems to have suddenly increased. How did this happen? It is not true that the number has suddenly increased; it has happened gradually. With the expansion of our work, the number of Swayamsevaks was bound to jump, and as a result, the number of representatives also increased. When the Shakhas grow, the number of active Swayamsevaks automatically increases, and based on that, the number of representatives also increases. Additionally, a large number of invited brothers and sisters are also present in this Pratinidhi Sabha. Several inspired organisations were also invited to send representatives in Nagpur. Finally, due to the COVID-19 pandemic in the past three years, there were some restrictions on the number of representatives. We had to keep the number limited, so we didn’t invite some groups as expected. For example, in a certain year, the Vibhag Pracharaks were not expected, and in another year, workers from various fields were not expected. This is the reason why the number was low at that time, and now it seems to have suddenly increased. What special goals and objectives have been set for the centenary year of the RSS? In the context of the centenary year, we have identified two goals from an organisational perspective—increase the number of Shakha units and the qualitative improvement in the activities. All the members are expected to have this common goal in mind. By increasing the quality of work, its impact will increase too. The thrust is on qualitative growth along with the quantitative expansion. Secondly, from a social perspective, we have put forth the subject of Panch Parivartan (Fivefold Transformation). Our objectives include changing the intellectual narrative from a national perspective, and to mobilise the sajjan shakti ( righteous power of the society) for social change. Therefore, in the centenary year of the RSS, we have made plans to take initiatives on all these subjects at both organisational and societal level. How do you propose to explain this entire concept of Panch Parivartan to the common masses and what challenges do we see there? When times are favourable and circumstances are conducive, extra caution, more effort, and deep contemplation become all the more necessary. Today, the time seems favourable for the dissemination of national thoughts. However, this favourability is not for sitting idly and enjoying the good time; it is a time to reach the very zenith of endeavours. The idea of Panch Parivartan is to deepen our approach to fundamental reforms by making the workers of the Sangh and various organisations its torchbearers. Anyway, today, Panch Parivartan is the need of the society in general. Panch Parivartan includes dimensions such as the insistence of practicing Samarasta in society (equality with fraternity), environment-friendly lifestyle, family awakening to promote familial values, inculcating sense of ‘Swa’ (selfhood) based on Bharatiya values in all aspects of life and social awakening for the adherence of civic duties; all these issues concern the society at large. Secondly, these topics need to be addressed to individuals, families, and the areas in the vicinity of Shakha. It needs to be taken to a wider society. We have kept these topics in front of the Swayamsevaks in general. Therefore, there should be an effort to bring about change through self-examples. This is not just a subject of contemplation and academic debate, but one of action and behavior. Also, we hold meetings of social leaders on social harmony and goodwill. We have contacts in wider society. So, we will take this subject among them and appeal from this perspective. In this year’s Pratinidhi Sabha, there was a special mention of Devi AhilyaBai Holkar. Do we have special programmes planned for her tercentenary year? The name of the Devi Ahilyabai Holkar, a symbol of valour and Shakti, appears in our Ekatmata Stotra with reverence. If we analyse her history properly, she has presented several excellent examples in various fields—from society, religion, governance, to administration. Today, on her tricentenary (300th birth anniversary), we have identified two to three objectives. Generally, in Hindu society, there is a flawed perception that the deprived sections of society did not get any opportunity to contribute towards nation building. Similarly, there is a distorted perception about women. However, if we delve deeper, Devi Ahilyabai Holkar’s life provides a precise answer to all such flawed perceptions. From a social perspective, the way she emerged from her community, and the way she set a shining example of administration, even after her husband’s untimely demise, present a powerful statement in Hindu society. Secondly, there is a lot of discussion about the empowerment and participation of women in present society. This year as well, our sisters in the Rashtra Sevika Samiti and Mahila Samanvay of other organisations have organised more than 400 conferences across the country, ensuring the participation of more than five lakh women. From this perspective, Devi Ahilyabai’s tercentenary is a good opportunity to further that good work too. Instead of organising programmes specifically by the Sangh, a Celebration Committee will be formed under a comprehensive plan, which will organise celebrations along with other women’s organisations and other members of society. We have plans for lectures and discussions on various dimensions of the great lady, including publishing literature. “Panch Parivartan is the need of the society in general. Panch Parivartan includes dimensions such as insistence of practicing Samarasta

Education Hindus Leadership Policy Technology

583

Bharat’s Civilizational Democratic System Has Evolved!

Methodological inaccuracies & biases adopted by V-Dem apart from experts enlisted to evaluate Bharat’s democratic credentials is questionable Pummy Pandita The encroachment of selective and biased methodologies into the arena of international rankings and surveys has raised serious questions about their integrity. Far from being an anomaly, this issue permeates a broad spectrum of indices. Among them, the Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) Institute’s eighth annual report on democracy, entitled “Democracy Winning and Losing at the Ballot.” Purportedly known for its deep dive into state of democratic governance around the globe, this report seeks to provide an exploration into complex dynamics of democracy in various nations, with India receiving particular emphasis. India, the world’s largest democracy, stands at the forefront of discussions on democratic health and vitality. The nation’s democratic journey is distinguished by its commitment to regular electoral engagement, a robust multiparty system and a steadfast embrace of diversity and pluralism. Yet, V-Dem’s labeling of India as “one of the worst autocratisers” casts a long shadow, provoking thorough scrutiny of the methodologies and criteria V-Dem employs. Such a characterization not only stirs discussion but demands a more nuanced understanding of the factors influencing these assessments. As observers and analysts scrutinize these rankings, the debate underscores need for transparency and rigour in evaluative methodologies employed by V-Dem and other indices around the world. Alarmingly, implications of such rankings extend far beyond mere numbers; they significantly influence a nation’s access to resources, financial implications, opportunities, and its global reputation. Consequently, when integrity of these methodologies is called into question, it can precipitate disagreements, escalate into diplomatic strains, or necessitate shifts in policy. Varieties of Democracy Institute, anchored at University of Gothenburg in Sweden, stands as the source behind V-DEM rankings. This report includes a suite of indices such as Liberal Democracy Index, Electoral Democracy Index, Liberal Component Index, Egalitarian Component Index, Participatory Component Index, and Deliberative Component Index, each contributing to a understanding of democratic health and governance globally. The methodology and approach adopted by V-Dem Institute have raised considerable concerns particularly in their evaluation of India’s democratic credentials. A detailed scrutiny of indices and sub-indices utilised by V-Dem reveals a mixed picture: India scores well on objective measures such as the proportion of the population with voting rights and the percentage of direct popular votes. However, a noticeable decline is observed in areas heavily reliant on ‘expert opinion.’ V-Dem’s reliance on “innovative methods for aggregating expert judgments” to derive “valid and reliable estimates” for concepts that are inherently challenging to observe is a point of contention. The field of social science research is well-acquainted with the biases and limitations inherent to such methodologies. Despite this, V-Dem’s acknowledgment of potential biases in its operations appears cursory at best, quickly passing the buck to ‘experts’ and claiming to mitigate these biases through a so-called ‘measurement model’. This approach raises questions about the institute’s commitment to academic rigour, as it seems to prioritize self-promotion over methodological integrity. The transparency and accountability of V-Dem’s evaluation process are also under scrutiny. The institute reportedly relies on around roughly 25 “Country Experts” across five categories to assess each country, with the identities of most of these experts remaining concealed. This small group of experts is tasked with making judgments on the democratic status of nations, a stark contrast to the democratic ethos upon which countries like India are built. India, for its part, has established a democratic system that allows its citizens to shape their destiny through participatory elections, rather than deferring to the opinions of a select few. Moreover, V-Dem’s approach to updating its methodologies and assumptions appears uninspiring. While it claims to regularly review its methods, actual adjustments are made only “occasionally.” Criticisms from countries in the Global South, which highlight the biases and ideological leanings inherent in V-Dem’s methodologies, have been persistent. These critiques often point out the alignment of such evaluations with the interests of influential figures and the lack of significant efforts by V-Dem to address or amend its flawed methods. This ongoing resistance highlights not only concerns about the transparency and accuracy of V-Dem’s methodology but also about the competence and intentions behind the reports it publishes. The portrayal of democratic performance in V-Dem’s reports also seems to echo a familiar narrative found in Western literature and analysis, where Western nations—primarily the United States, Canada, Europe, and Australia—are consistently depicted as outperforming the rest of the world. This narrative perpetuates a simplistic and often misleading view of global democratic landscapes, further complicating the trust and validity of such assessments. The persistent reluctance of V-Dem to revisit and revise its evaluative processes suggests a deeper problem than mere methodological transparency. It hints at a fundamental disconnect between the institute’s proclaimed objectives and its operational ethos. This steadfast adherence to a disputed methodology, in the face of widespread critique, underscores a concerning lack of competence or, more troublingly, suggests potential ill-intentions behind the production of these reports. In conclusion, the approach of the Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) Institute towards evaluating global democracies, with a notable focus on India, underscores a deeply troubling confluence of methodological shortcomings and apparent biases. While V-Dem positions itself as a standard-bearer of academic integrity, leveraging innovative methods and expert judgments, its persistent neglect in addressing and amending the inherent biases within its methodologies significantly detracts from the trustworthiness of its evaluations. This steadfast stance not only erodes the credibility of its reports but also casts doubt on the objectivity and underlying motives of the institute. Particularly glaring is V-Dem’s indifference towards engaging with the sustained critiques from countries across the Global South, which points to a broader disregard for the multifaceted expressions of democratic governance beyond the Western paradigm. The institute’s assessments of India bring these issues into sharp relief, highlighting a potential bias and even anti-India sentiment that seems to overshadow the nation’s democratic achievements and complexities. India’s democratic journey, marked by its vast electoral processes, dynamic multiparty engagements, and commitment to pluralism, stands in stark

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