Disinformation Geopolitics Hindus Misinformation Rebuttal

Exposing Inaccuracies: A Sharp Critique of the US State Department’s Human Rights Report

Rohan Giri US State Department’s annual human rights report for 2023 on Bharat (India)[1] appears to have lost credibility in its assessment of human rights incidents. It’s latest edition brings forth numerous significant issues that necessitate a response. Unfortunately, the report’s depiction of Bharat’s human rights landscape suffers from a noticeable agenda, undermining its own integrity as an self appointed, global evaluative agency. The report draws on sources that are both unreliable and ambiguous, including media reports and statements from NGOs, which fail to comprehensively represent the human rights situation in Bharat. Such sources lack the depth required to understand the nuances and recognise progress in these areas. Moreover, numerous instances of factually incorrect or misleading data undermine the report’s credibility and distract from addressing legitimate human rights issues that demand serious consideration. Furthermore, the report’s methodology of aggregating data over extended periods, sometimes spanning more than five years, distorts the current state of affairs. It is perplexing why the report does not focus on the human rights conditions of a specific year, rather than a cumulative period. This approach to data aggregation skews perceptions and hinders a true understanding of the present conditions and the improvements made. These significant flaws necessitate a rigorous review and response to ensure that discussions about human rights in Bharat are based on accurate, timely, and contextual information. This rebuttal aims to correct these misconceptions, provide relevant data, and offer a nuanced perspective that accurately reflects both the ongoing challenges and the significant advancements of Bharat. While the report contains several misrepresentations. However, for the purpose of this rebuttal, we are highlighting a select few to assist the US state department in re-reflecting on its sources, information, and overall presentation. Section on Arbitrary Deprivation of Life and Other Unlawful or Politically Motivated Killings reported, “On July 31, media reports stated security official Chetan Singh killed his senior officer and three men who identified as Muslims on a train near Mumbai, targeting them based on their appearance.” The family members of the three men called the incident “a hate crime” and “an act of terror” based on the hate speech Singh used against the three men before he shot them. Police arrested Singh on the same day.” Report frames the incident in a way that suggests two Muslims, who unexpectedly died in this accident, were targeted because of their faith. However, conversations with those close to the situation narrate a different story. Ghanshyam Acharya, who was on duty with Chetan, provided further context in his statement to the Railway Police, recounted that shortly after their duty started, he observed ASI Meena mention that Chetan was running a fever and still had two hours of duty ahead.[2] However, the manner in which the US Human Rights Report represents the incident raises serious concerns about the accuracy of its sources and the integrity of its presentation. The same section asserts that the deaths in regions like Jammu and Kashmir and those affected by Maoist terrorism are fault of Indian security forces. Nevertheless, it is a fact that Pakistan backed terrorists and Naxal Maoist terrorists pose the most substantial threat to both the development, peace and security of the region. It is also a fact that the Indian Security forces have carried out several operations against terrorists, often suffering heavy casualties in their pursuit of protecting their motherland and its habitants. To put things into perspective, website of the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights was updated on March 24, 2023, with the headline “India: UN expert demands immediate end to crackdown on Kashmiri human rights defenders,”[3] in which UN Special Rapporteur Mary Lawlor talks about those who illegally concealed their original identity, supported terrorist activities, and furthered their cause. Mary Lawlor should understand that her job is to defend rights, not crimes. Lawlor previously directed the Irish chapter of Amnesty International from 1988 to 2000.[4] In several instances , Lawlor has violated the UN code of conduct by agenda driven narrative building, especially about India, a sovereign and respectable UN member state. Furthermore, the U.S. State Human Rights Report details that ‘on October 31, the Supreme Court announced it would hear the bail plea of student and human rights activist Umar Khalid on November 22, which was then adjourned to January 2024. Khalid has been repeatedly denied bail since his 2020 arrest under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA).’ Despite international and local activists demanding Khalid’s release, citing his arbitrary detention without trial since 2020, the report fails to mention significant details. For instance, Khalid’s counsel requested seven of the fourteen adjournments during his Supreme Court hearings. Furthermore, the public prosecutor pointed out during the bail hearings that Khalid often creates narratives in the media and online. It is also noteworthy that Khalid, described in the report as a ‘student and human rights activist,’ is the son of Syed Qasim Rasool Ilyas, a former member of the banned terrorist group Students Islamic Movement of India (SIMI). Khalid is accused of being a primary conspirator in the 2020 anti-Hindu Delhi riots, which resulted in significant legal charges against him. The U.S. State Department’s report, perhaps naively, seems to undermine the judiciary of a sovereign state and a key U.S. partner. Such an approach is safely viewed as a misuse of state department resources to further specific agendas, particularly concerning India. The Human Rights Report inaccurately used the killing of Canadian Terrorist Hardeep Singh Nijjar to propagate the notion that the Indian government is engaged in global repression. It notes, ‘On September 18, Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau announced that his government was investigating allegations linking Indian government agents to the killing of Sikh Canadian citizen Hardeep Singh Nijjar, who had been designated as a terrorist by India and advocated for the creation of an independent Sikh state, Khalistan. The Indian government has denied any involvement. However, this portrayal overlooks significant details. Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s allegations of Indian agency involvement were made

Hindus

525

Half-Truths Presented to Debunk Hard Reality of Jihad

Jain, S., Alavi, M., & Sharma, S. (2024). Love Jihad and Other Fictions: Simple facts to counter viral falsehoods (1st ed.). Aleph. Dr Amritpal Kaur American novelist Colson Whitehead had said, ‘what isn’t said is as important as what is said’. The Book Love Jihad and Other Fictions is an apt example of what is left out of the narrative. To begin with, the book deals with the phenomenon of Love Jihad and several other forms of Jihad that its authors believe as works of fiction. To them there is no solid ground to base the argument of Love Jihad. Broadly, the book attempts to debunk three forms of Jihad namely, Love Jihad, Population Jihad and conversion of people from Hinduism to Christianity. It argues that these ‘jihad’ or Muslim holy wars (by means of Marriage and progeny) are works of fiction. On the contrary it seeks to find ground reality to set the record straight. As the reader goes through the analysis, it is glaring that the said “facts” are rather subjective interpretations of individuals and often one-sided. In fact, it’s precisely the reason for not being able to convince the reader about the realities. To begin with, in the chapter on Love Jihad, the book sites Kerala’s very first Love Jihad case in the country where luring of a woman in the name of love and marriage led to her marriage and eventual conversion to Islam. The chapter discusses in detail about the thoughts and feelings of the man involved. However, we do not hear about the side of the Girl or her parents primarily as to why she left the man, Shahan Sha. It is important to acknowledge that in a huge majority of inter-faith marriages, it is the Hindu woman who has to convert to Islam. It seldom happens, if at all that the Muslim man converts to Hinduism. There are a number of cases where girls have reported physical and sexual abuse after initial courting period to forcefully convert to Islam. In many cases it has led to their untimely and often violent deaths. In subsequent analysis on Love Jihad, the book emphatically deals primarily with English media as the ‘next best source’ for information. However, neutrality of Media and objectivity of facts is questionable. It would be anybody’s guess as to if the analysis is mainly based on media reports and not the unbiased information, it would be coloured by political leanings of the author and media house concerned. On population jihad, the book tries to debunk the idea that higher muslim birth rate has led to larger size of muslims population, The ‘facts and comparisons it gives are rather mind-boggling. For example, it argues that fertility rate of Muslims in South India is lower than that Hindus in the North India. Polygamy is not cited as one of the reasons for such spurt in Muslims numbers crossed 210 million in recent years. Comparative analysis of fertility levels should have been based on samples from the same region rather than mixing up data by design and intention. Same spin on facts has been given in the case of Muslims in Assam. The book argues that muslims fertility rates in Assam is higher than that of Hindus but is not much different from national average. Can there be a true comparison when the question they seek to answer is higher population growth of Muslims in the state? The true comparison would have been between Hindus and Muslims numbers, growth rates and percentages in the same north-eastern state of Assam. That would have shown shift in population composition. By bringing the variable on aggregate Indian growth rate, the book attempts to muddy waters in favour of one individual group. Third issue dealt with is conversion of Hindus primarily into Christianity. The book argues that threat of conversion into Christianity is unreal. The case cited to elucidate the point is that of Lavanya, a teenage girl who committed suicide due to psychological pressure put on her to change her religion. The book sees the suicide as ‘complex phenomenon’ based on the family life of the girl without giving categorical ‘facts’ to either prove that Lavanya died due to conversion pressure or otherwise. Since Lavanya died due to complex issues it cannot be attributed to Christian warden of her hostel. What saves this analysis otherwise is the fact that the case is being heard by the courts. By questioning integrity and attachment of her family it sought to discard the forceful conversion of a bubbly teenage girl as main reason for her death. Ironically, had it been the case otherwise, the authors would have been a wee bit harsh in the name, calling a spade a spade. Similar courtesy has not been extended in this case as the girl is a Hindu. It is important to realize and acknowledge that muddled facts can be misleading too, views from different sources were to be heard from all the sides to derive a value neutral and objective assessment. However, the book presents one-sided analysis and by placing only convenient bits of information with wrong comparative set narratives, it paints a wrong picture. It undermines the concerns of those who have suffered at hands of such propaganda. Scores of girls’ families that died at hands of vengeful and violent suiters who pressure them to convert to Islam would vastly disagree with the book’s analysis. In fact, it is a classic case of how facts can be used to lie. (Author is Assistant Professor in Political Sciences, Dayal Singh College, Delhi University, New Delhi)

Disinformation Media Misinformation World

619

What’s Ailing Foreign Media in India?

Is it lack of press freedom? Or, limited skills sets to report from a large, diverse country like Bharat that has bowled them over? K.A.Badarinath Why’s it that global media operating in Bharat is acerbic? Being bitter or sour on substantive work issues is understandable given that Bharat may look complex for many of them. For those who are first timers in Bharat, understanding this country may not be easy at all. Sensitivities, socio-economic matrix, clutch of movements, political ideologies across 28 states and eight union territories, might virtually stump even the hardnosed journalists with experience. Many news organizations internationally have made it a point to have bases in Bharat given her growing clout on global forums, strong and consistent growth showing and soft power clout that she enjoys. From G-20, BRICS to WTO, banks and financial institutions, there’s no significant global project in which Bharat goes unrepresented or her indulgence is sought. Given the potential for Bharat to emerge as third largest economic powerhouse in a couple of years during possible third five-year term of Prime Minister Modi and huge appetite to know more about developments in this country has made it mandatory for top media companies to have offices and representatives here. From early ‘90s, especially when Dr Manmohan Singh as finance minister kicked off economic reforms Bharat began its arduous journey to reconnect with the world in her own unique way. It’s only now that Bharat is asserting and carving out niche space for herself. In these last 30-odd years, several global media houses either sent their correspondents here or opened full news bureaus here. Some have had multiple teams like British Broadcasting Corporation that even began offering news packages in Indian languages. Television, digital media and radio networks apart from print newspapers from all continents have had their presence before and after economic reforms were rolled out. Capturing trends in a nation on the move has had become an inevitability for media outlets. From CNN, Fox to ABC, you name the news outlet and it has been represented in this country. Similar is the case with top four news agencies and beyond. Both European and the US media houses have over the years’ evolved content sharing arrangements with Bharatiya counterparts. Most foreign media companies editorial policies may have been driven or influenced by their Indian partners. Also, top Bharat bred journalists have had anchored news operations for top notch media brands internationally. Given the globe-trotting nature of Bharatiya professionals, several of our big names helm news outlets internationally. In this backdrop, a couple of foreign media professionals leaving Bharat due to circumstances ‘beyond normal’ have kicked up a debate in the community. Avani Dias, South Asia Bureau Chief of Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC) exit for personal reasons has been twisted to say that it was due to ‘undue pressure’ from Indian government. French journalist Vanessa Dougnac’s departure a few months back also hit front pages in Bharat and France. In both these cases, facts are diametrically opposite to what appeared in the news networks. A new assignment at ‘Four Corners’ clinched in June 2023 and a wedding in December 2023 were reported by ‘Australia Today’ as prime reasons for Avani Dias to return to Australia. Reported violation of journalists work visa conditions led to exit of French journalist Vanessa Dougnac. Interestingly enough, both claimed that ‘there was no press freedom in India’ or it was ‘very difficult’ to function as a newsperson in Bharat. Well, if that was true, how’s it that hundreds of news stories are routinely despatched by foreign media outlets each day from Bharat? How’s it that dozens of foreign journalists made Bharat their second home though they came here due to professional assignments? Is it even possible to control well diversified and organized media industry in this country? In one of the public speeches, 88-year old BBC veteran Mark Tully lamented that ‘developments in India’ were not properly reported. After all, Tully has a point. Can any government or political formation worth its salt even entertain the idea of manipulating over 146,000 newspapers and periodicals with combined 270 million copies published in dozens of languages? Would anyone even imagine seeking control on hundreds of TV channels broadcast in dozens of languages? If Indian newspapers, magazines, TV networks and digital platforms cannot be ‘controlled’ or ‘suppressed’ per se, can one even think of driving out foreign journalist professionals after having exerted ‘undue pressure’ as claimed by a few? Thumb rule is to not violate laws of the land including foreign journalist visa conditions. Is asking foreign media companies to make corporate disclosures same as curbing press freedom? Has the Indian government committed a grievous crime of sorts in expecting European and US media companies to comply with taxation rules and pay taxes commensurate with profits sans evasion? Beginning with BBC tax surveys, foreign journalists exit to charges on press freedom, has something seriously gone wrong with international media? Have they lost it all together? Or, is it the colonial mind-set that drives a few foreign journalists’ cheap theatrics? Should Bharat revisit its whole policy on foreign media engagement as companies, joint ventures, representative offices and sending news professionals? What’s ailing the foreign media in Bharat? It is a billion dollar question! (author is Director & Chief Executive of New Delhi based non-partisan think tank, Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies)

Disinformation Hindus Misinformation Pakistan Security

597

Big Expose on Islamist Disinformation Network: Case Against UK-IMC

This investigative report shines a light on sprawling network of Islamist disinformation within the United Kingdom. Focusing on organizations and individuals that masquerade as advocacy, educational or charity groups, this study details how these entities are not just disseminating manipulated narratives but intricately connected in a system designed to mislead the British public about issues concerning Bharat and in particular Hindus around the world. Central to our investigation is the role of UK-IMC, an entity within this network that purports to champion Muslim interests. Our analysis reveals that its activities extend far beyond advocacy, steering into the realm of misinformation and anti-Hindu, anti-India rhetoric. The report explores strategic dissemination channels employed by these groups that are crafted to foster divisions and propagate biased agenda against Hindus and India. Through this exposé, we aim to unravel the deceptive tactics and highlight the need for vigilance and informed understanding among British populace and the world about such agenda driven Islamist disinformation organizations. (Author is Director – Research at New Delhi based think tank, Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies)

Human Rights Insurgency Policy Security

476

Naxal Terror on Wane, Red Corridor Crumbles

Bringing on board forest dwellers and tribal youth that are outside famed growth story through specially designed projects should form part of a comprehensive strategy Rohan Giri Bharat’s security forces undertook a massive counter-terrorism operation in the state of Chhattisgarh’s Kanker district on April 16, 2024 to capture naxalite terrorists. In the over-night operation, 29 Naxalite terrorists were eliminated in the fierce gun battle. Shankar Rao, a notorious naxalite terrorist with reward of Rs 25 lakhs for his capture was neutralised in the campaign. (The author is Head of Content at Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies, a New Delhi based non-partisan think-tank)

Hindus Media Security

591

Dreams, Promising Careers to Abrupt Death!

Harsh realities faced by Indian students seeking opportunities in US, Europe, UK & Australia need immediate recognition with comprehensive solutions Rohan Giri Shocking murder of Chirag Antil, 24-year-old student in Vancouver, Canada brings to fore pressing concerns that overseas students in particular from India faced while studying abroad. Chirag’s murder is not a singular instance. It’s culmination of several other such cases. It should be seen in light of the troubling trend of violence that impacts students who travel to several countries across geographies for education, leisure, work and business apart from leisure. A string of murders or deaths that were reported by media houses from different countries prompts immediate concerns about the adequacy of safety and protection measures for these expatriates. Since beginning of 2024, more than eleven Indian students in United States alone have tragically died, either as victims of murder or under suspicious circumstances. Chirag’s case follows an unsettlingly recognizable pattern: like most such occurrences, police investigations continue without capturing any of the perpetrators. US and Canadian authorities and media outlets till now have viewed many of these incidents as part of crime statistics and road rage. But, it’s important to recognize that each of these incidents signifies a profound and tragic loss for the families who have endured loss of their children. Chirag, hailed from Sonipat, Haryana, aspired to continue his studies in Canada. But, abrupt end to his life casts a long shadow over safety and wellbeing of our youngsters in these self-proclaimed advanced societies and nations. The response—or lack thereof—from local authorities, as well as perceived indifference, can exacerbate the family’s trauma. According to Chirag’s brother, Romit, communication from Canadian police has been minimal leaving the family to grapple for answers and support. Chirag’s murder has till date not been directly linked to targeted killing, but it is important to recognize the general threat perception for Indian diaspora in certain regions including threats from extremist groups. Khalistani extremist activity has been of significant concern in parts of Canada apart from US, European cities and UK. These extremist elements have had targeted persons of Indian origin over the years, creating a climate of fear and insecurity among the community. Violence plagues Vancouver as multiple gangs often engage in clashes, frequently involving innocent bystanders in their violent fights. Harsh Khatri, a close friend of Chirag Antil has told Glacier Media, “Antil was in the wrong place at the wrong time and misidentified.” Although Khatri did not explicitly attribute the occurrence to any particular gang or plot, the hint was apparent: these gangs are still actively and dangerously operative in Vancouver. A violent rampage from December 2020 to May 2021 highlights this dark reality resulting in loss of over fifteen lives due to gang-related violence. These violent clashes reflect picture of a city grappling with a persistent battle against gang violence where misidentification could lead to death. The city’s cycle of violence is heavily influenced by drug traffickers operating at medium to high levels. On March 30, 2024 gunfire broke out during daytime hours causing mayhem on streets of downtown Vancouver. The incident occurred on a Saturday afternoon, causing frightened visitors to quickly seek shelter in surrounding establishments and cafés. Eyewitness claimed that the assault was directed towards a specific individual who is believed to be a member of the infamous Brothers Keepers gang. The victim was inside a black SUV when bullets ruthlessly penetrated it. With a sense of urgency, the impaired vehicle rushed uncontrollably from an alley onto Robson Street, resulting in a collision with another SUV. In the midst of this disorder, two dogs sustained bullet injuries, requiring immediate medical attention from a veterinarian. There were no other injuries recorded. Nevertheless, the individuals responsible for the shootings are still unidentified and not apprehended and this resulted in the community not being able to cope with the ongoing recurrence of violence associated with gangs. Situation emphasizes the importance of strong and effective support mechanisms for students, both from the countries hosting them and from their home country’s diplomatic channels. The efforts made by Chirag’s family to bring his body back to their home country Bharat with the help of an internet fundraising platform (GoFundMe) and involvement of Indian authorities highlight larger problem of bureaucratic and logistical obstacles that can intensify the sorrow experienced by grieving families. Indian government and its diplomatic missions overseas have consistently expressed concern about escalation in extremist activities and their potential consequences for security of Indian diaspora. Indian students in Canada have an extra level of vulnerability which necessitates that they be more cautious and take stronger security measures. Extremist factions have a tendency to escalate isolated incidents into larger confrontations or deliberate assaults on individuals with Indian affiliation. The lack of immediate and transparent communication from Canadian authorities, as described by the family, points to a need for improved international cooperation on such sensitive incidents. Diplomatic entities must proactively engage and support nationals in distress, ensuring they do not navigate foreign legal and procedural mazes alone. Chirag’s death brings to light essential measures for safety of international students. Educational institutions and local governments must bolster their efforts to ensure these young individuals are not just seen as temporary residents or tuition payers but as integral, protected members of the community. Enhanced safety measures, clear communication channels and dedicated support for international students are imperative to prevent such tragedies and nurture a truly inclusive and secure environment. Tragic end to Chirag Antil’s promising journey is a call for action by all stakeholders involved in international student mobility. It’s a reminder of the responsibilities that host nations like US, European members, UK and Australia should shoulder towards these young lives, far from home, in pursuit of their avocation. (the author is Head of Content at Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies, a New Delhi based non-partisan think-tank)

Hindus Judiciary Policy

685

THE BHOJSHALA

Located within the Dhar district of Madhya Pradesh, India, Bhojshala stands as an ancient Hindu institution devoted to Devi Vagdevi (Saraswati). In recent times, it has become the center of heated debate, with the Archaeological Survey of India conducting a thorough scientific survey of the site. Bhojshala’s significance lies in its multitude of layers, which encompass historical, theological, and cultural dimensions. It stands as a profound exemplar, showcasing the intricate intersections between historical legacy and Bharat’s contemporary faith-based and nationalistic foundations. Introduction Bhojshala stands as a poignant symbol of India’s rich tapestry of religious and cultural heritage. Established in the 11th century by the renowned Raja Bhoja of the Paramara dynasty, it was envisioned as a bastion of Sanskrit learning and Vedic wisdom, epitomising the intellectual zenith of medieval India. However, in the 13th century, the arrival of the Delhi Sultanate, led by the Islamic invader Alauddin Khilji, marked a dark chapter in Bhojshala’s history. The esteemed center of knowledge underwent significant destruction, partly transforming into the Kamal Maula Mosque, an Islamic structure. This event profoundly shaped the religious and cultural landscape of the region. Today, Bhojshala finds itself embroiled in a contentious altercation between Hindu and Muslim communities, each vying for religious rights and laying claim to the site’s historical significance. The annual Hindu festival of Basant Panchami often becomes a flashpoint, with tensions escalating as Muslim groups assert their right to worship at the revered location. Particularly volatile situations arise when Basant Panchami coincides with a Friday, frequently resulting in clashes. Amidst this turmoil, the Archaeological Survey of India, which is currently conducting a comprehensive survey of this heritage site. Yet, as Bhojshala remains a focal point of debate, it represents the broader dynamics of demolition of cultural heritage in India. Historical Background Bhojshala offers a captivating glimpse into India’s opulent medieval era, epitomised by the reign of Raja Bhoja, a luminary among the educated monarchs of the Paramara dynasty. Celebrated for his patronage of the arts, literature, and architecture, Raja Bhoja established Bhojshala as a prestigious center of learning, dedicated to the goddess of wisdom, Saraswati. It flourished as a vibrant hub where scholars and students from diverse backgrounds converged to delve into the study of Sanskrit and the Vedas, leaving an indelible mark on the intellectual and social fabric of the time. However, Bhojshala underwent a significant transformation with the advent of Islamic invaders in the region. During the 13th century, Alauddin Khilji’s expansion into the Indian subcontinent precipitated a notable decline in Bhojshala’s prominence and identity. Once revered for its educational and religious significance, the site was partially repurposed into a mosque, known as the Kamal Maula Mosque. This era marked the onset of a complex stratification of cultural and religious identities, as reflected in the alteration of Bhojshala’s architecture and spiritual essence. The architectural remnants of Bhojshala today bear witness to its storied past. Its design elements echo the Hindu architectural styles of its inception, while Islamic motifs were incorporated during its conversion into a mosque. This amalgamation serves as a poignant symbol of the enduring and far-reaching impact of history and culture on the Indian subcontinent. Bhojshala’s historical significance as a center of learning and religious devotion serves as a poignant testament to Bharat’s cultural richness and the enduring legacy of its ancient civilisation. The ongoing struggle over worship rights at Bhojshala underscores the complex interplay between contemporary religious identities and historical legacies, providing a compelling illustration of the intricate dynamics between history, religion, and politics in shaping the destiny of cultural treasures. Hindu Struggle for Bhojshala The battle to reclaim and safeguard Bhojshala stands as a testament to the indomitable spirit of Hindus, a struggle ignited in 1305 when the Islamic invader Alauddin Khilji besieged Malwa in present-day Madhya Pradesh. This brutal onslaught ravaged numerous revered Hindu institutions, including Bhojshala. Yet, in the face of adversity, the courageous acharyas (educators) and students stood unwavering, engaging in fierce combat. When 1200 esteemed scholars were presented with the dire ultimatum of conversion or death, their steadfast refusal to abandon their Sanatan Dharma in favour of Islam led to their brutal massacre, their bodies desecrated within the sacred precincts of Bhojshala. The aggression did not cease there. In 1401, under the guise of empire-building, Dilawar Khaw Ghori audaciously attempted to convert Vijay Mandir (Surya Martand Temple), now known as Lat Masjid, and sections of Saraswati Mandir Bhojshala into Islamic structures. This sacrilegious endeavour was further pursued in 1514 by Mehmud Shah Khilji II, who sought to obliterate Bhojshala and eradicate its Hindu legacy by transforming it into a mosque. The tomb of Kamal Maulana (who died in 1310) was erected 204 years posthumously as part of a sinister plot to usurp the Saraswati Temple Bhojshala.Even the British colonialists played a role in this cultural plunder. In 1902, Lord Curzon dispatched the revered statue of Maa Vagdevi to England, a priceless relic of our heritage now confined to the London Museum. In the modern era, the state administration not only turned a deaf ear to cries for justice but actively opposed efforts to liberate Bhojshala and restore the statue of Mata Vagdevi. In a blatant act of suppression, 273 activists were detained in 1996. In May 1997, then-Chief Minister Digvijay Singh controversially issued a decree permitting the performance of Namaz within Bhojshala’s sacred precincts every Friday, sparking widespread democratic protests and demonstrations by the Hindu community. This served as a testament to their unwavering resolve to defend their cultural and religious sanctity. The struggle for Bhojshala transcends mere territorial disputes; it embodies a fervent crusade to revive an ancient bastion of knowledge, science, art, culture, and spirituality. It symbolises the broader battle to reclaim countless Indian and Hindu institutions still unlawfully encroached upon. This is a clarion call to resist cultural erasure and stand steadfast against forces seeking to diminish our rich heritage. Government and Legal Interventions In 1904, recognising the rich historical legacy and illustrious past of Bhojshala, the imperialist British administration granted it

Policy

543

Has Economic Inequality Risen in Bharat?

World Inequality Lab report methodology, databases deployed are questionable & biased. It does not stand rigour of academic scrutiny. Chaitanya Khurana Over past several years, Bharat has made remarkable progress in ending poverty and hunger. In July 2023, United Nations has said that 415 million people have been brought out of extreme poverty within just 15 years spanning from 2005 – 21. These numbers were mentioned in absolute as part of global multidimensional poverty index which was released by United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), Oxford Poverty and Human Development Initiative (OPHI). Surjit S. Bhalla & Karan Bhasin, renowned commentators on poverty and economic issues recently reviewed latest official consumption expenditure data for 2022-23 which has shown an unprecedented reduction in rural and urban inequality. The inference from this latest released official data is that Bharat has achieved a remarkable feat of ending extreme poverty and there are suggestions for upward revision in poverty line and redefining existing social protection programmes for better targeting of beneficiaries so that few people who might have been left behind are uplifted. On the contrary, World Inequality Lab report, “Income and Wealth in India, 1922-2023: The Rise of the Billionaire Raj” (Pikketty et al, 2024) has made some claims that may not be tenable as per data points available in public domain. As per World Inequality Lab report, inequality levels declined post-independence but after early ‘80s, income and wealth inequality spiked and increased at rapid pace from early 2000s. The report claims that in terms of Income and Wealth, India’s top one percent holds 22.6 per cent and 40.1per cent respectively. The report added that India’s top one percent holds the highest income and wealth as against their peers in any other country and higher than South Africa, Brazil and USA. This is not the first time that Western Think Tanks and self-proclaimed intellectuals tried to defame India’s rising economic growth and success the country had in uplifting its poor. They seem to harbour unfounded fears in Bharat’s rise, dominance as an economic power and leader of the changing world order. The report has so many flaws and deficiencies that it may not stand academic scrutiny of its Data and methodologies used. On both the metrics, World Inequality Lab is flawed and found deficiencies. This whole analysis regarding Bharat’s wealth inequality is more propaganda and less of reality. First limitation in the World Inequality Lab arises out of combining data sets. Usually, Different databases use different methodologies to collect and estimate data. It is not an acceptable academic practice to combine two datasets just for the sake of an analysis. For instance, the report uses forecasting techniques of interpolation and extrapolation which can give you biased and inconsistent results as these are estimates and forecasts, not actual data. Instead of using latest consumption expenditure data, the study uses Generalized Pareto interpolation techniques for extracting which in itself shows that the data has been generated which can be inconsistent and biased because all forecasting techniques have limitations. The two datasets PLFS and HCES used in the report are not comparable so therefore claims of rising inequality are false. The reliance on PLFS data of the past which has been red flagged by India, International Labour Organization and giving this information in the footnote explains the hidden agenda. Secondly, tax collections database cannot be the basis to justify its claim on rising inequality. Higher tax collections imply that over the years, tax compliance has become better, more and more people are coming into the tax net with taxable incomes. Taking the tax database from 1920 and concluding that top one per cent earned less before 2010 and 1990 eras pre-supposes uniform tax compliance over the years which is absolutely false. Thirdly, focus of the authors was solely on top one per cent income earners in India. Over past many years, many foreign think tanks and intellectuals have had problems with Indian billionaires but if the billionaire was from a western developed economy, then it is not a crime. The report has cherry picked top one per cent earners and ignored emerging middle class that expanded considerably over past many years and constitute 31 percent of the population. Fourthly, the report has attempted to focus on perceived inequality aspect which is a very uni-dimensional approach to poverty. Many development economists now use multi-dimensional poverty index (MPI) to measure poverty and inequality which is more appropriate for analyzing the reduction in poverty for any country. Niti Aayog’s report on MPI has shown that 248 million individuals in India have overcome multi-dimensional poverty between 2013-23 and this holds greater significance for the typical ambitious Indian than count of billionaires in the nation. Reduction of Poverty is the ultimate goal and reduction inequality is its consequence. Fifth, the Report considers market capitalization or stock market wealth as part of net wealth. This is a very debatable assumption which has been considered in the report. Top one percentile income earners’ companies are listed on the stock market and with their valuations increasing related stock prices on the boom, suggestion has made that it translated to higher wealth for these income earners. On the contrary, if the stock prices fell and valuations dipped, their wealth would decrease and inequality shrinks. Taking this as a parameter to comment on India‘s inequality is completely inconsistent with good academic data driven rigor. This is not the first time that Piketty’s work has been criticized by economists and related commentators for its use of erroneous methodologies and inconsistent results. Geloso, Magness, Moore and Schlosser wrote in 2003 that in the Paper titled. “How Pronounced is the U-Curve? Revisiting Income Inequality in the United States, 1917–60”, inequality for United States of America has been overstated. Hence, the Inequality Lab report does not stand academic scrutiny, inconsistent and flawed with its methodologies and results which shows that this is just propaganda and nothing more. (Author is a doctoral scholar in finance at Indian Institute of Management, Indore)

Human Rights

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Human Rights Organizations Expose Pakistan Over Falak Noor Case in Gilgit Baltistan, Call for Justice and Accountability

Abduction of 13-year old minor girl Falak Noor from Sultanabad, Gilgit in Pakistan Occupied Jammu & Kashmir (POJK) has ignited global distress after her father sought both media and police help in her rescue. Though Noor’s father filed an FIR reporting her disappearance, precious little was done by the Pakistani police in 50 days forcing the distressed family to run from pillar to post. Human rights organizations came down heavily on Pakistan for infringing upon peoples’ fundamental rights. Her case attracted global criticism and sparked concerns about Pakistan’s ability to defend minority and kids rights, especially in areas such as Gilgit Baltistan, where sectarian strife is common. Pakistan government’s handling of Falak Noor’s case even in the face of massive demonstrations and demands for justice has come under fire for being inadequate and lacking urgency. Human rights abuses have continued to be a worrying global issue in recent years and Pakistan has frequently come under fire for its dismal track record in this area. Gilgit – Baltistan, illegally occupied territory by Pakistan has been focus of public outcry and rallies in response to Falak Noor’s case throwing light on the plight & challenges faced by the region’s marginalised community and stresses on Pakistan’s responsibility to respect justice, safeguard human rights. This incident casts serious doubt on the nation’s commitment to preserving core human rights values. Noor’s case is not off the block. Rather, it serves as a grim reminder of larger difficulties that marginalised populations in Gilgit Baltistan confront each day. For past 70 years, indigenous tribes in the area have fought for recognition and autonomy, subject to marginalisation and discrimination at the hands of government. Referencing Falak Noor’s case at the protest march, local leader and Deputy General Secretary of National Trade Union Federation Masir Mansoor emphasised that only the administration is accountable for kidnapping of these defenseless girls and civilians. The grave situation prevailing in Gilgit-Baltistan has also amplified sorry state of affairs in Balochistan and Sindh. Pakistan administration is falling short of its responsibilities everywhere[1]. Human rights organisations, both domestically and internationally, have lambasted the Pakistani government on how indifferent handling of Falak Noor case. The authorities’ tardiness in looking into the claims and making sure that people in danger, such as Falak Noor, are secure is indicative of a larger trend of disregarding rights of minorities and maintaining freedom. Frequent kidnappings, abuses and inhuman treatment of minorities have also sparked worries about the legal gaps and societal prejudices that make it difficult to prosecute those responsible for forced conversions and kidnappings of youngsters. Blasphemy laws are frequently used as an instrument to target minorities in Pakistan, who are subject to systemic discrimination and persecution. Given the global uproar around Falak Noor’s case, Pakistan must act quickly to address the structural problems that trigger human rights violations in Gilgit Baltistan. This entails prosecuting those who target abductions, protecting the safety and security of underprivileged populations, and defending the rule of law and justice. Ironically the so called advocates of peace, who otherwise would leave no stone unturned in case of such an incident happening anywhere else, are silent! Is it because they fear the threat from the Islamist fundamentalists? Or is it a conscious decision to raise issues of certain geography(s)? Abduction of Falak Noor highlights how urgently Pakistan must rectify its violations of human rights and honour its international obligations to defend the rights of minorities. Pakistan Human Rights Commission (HRC) claims that in cases of kidnapping, forced conversions, or sexual abuse of young girls and women, police usually do little and allow the perpetrators to escape, as was the case with Falak Noor, whose father is pressurized to reach a compromise involving land and 1.5 million PKR from the abductors[2]. Pakistan’s human rights record has reached an all-time low as a result of numerous media reports and international organisations exposing the appalling circumstances there. Unfortunately, despite the fact that kidnapping and forced conversion have been important issues in Pakistan for a very long time, no significant political party has yet to implement legislation to address them. Pakistan has demonstrated once more how little regard it has for the lives of its oppressed minorities! Abduction, forced marriages, rape, and conversions against their will of minority girls and women are happening persistently. Falak Noor’s case in Gilgit Baltistan is a stark reminder of the difficulties human rights advocates in Pakistan face as well as the pressing need for justice and accountability. There is increasing pressure on Pakistan to resolve these issues and show that it is committed to upholding fundamental human rights as calls for justice and accountability become stronger. In addition, it is imperative to reinforce accountability procedures to guarantee that individuals who violate human rights, such as those implicated in forced conversions and kidnapping incidents, face consequences and are prosecuted. Pakistan, a nation whose inhumanity has progressed to the point of no return, lacks humanism. A paedophilia emergency exists, primarily affecting young girls from underrepresented areas. From 4253 incidences of child abuse—including cases of kidnapping, missing children, and child marriages—recorded in 86 newspapers, according to Sahil, an NGO study titled “Cruel Numbers 2022” to 2227 cases of child abuse from January-June 2023, shows that 12 children on average everyday were subjected to abuse[3]. Police, judiciary and administration all are accomplices in criminal activity and highlights Pakistan government’s failure to put in place appropriate safeguards or prosecute offenders, attacks against women, particularly young girls, have increased. As a UN Human Rights Council member, Pakistan should clean house before lecturing the rest of the world about upholding human rights and treating its citizens with dignity. (Author Pummy Pandita is head of operations at Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies, a non-partisan think tank based in New Delhi) [1] Protesters issue ‘ultimatum’ to authorities, demand safe return of abducted minor girl in Gilgit Baltistan (msn.com) [2] Falak Noor Abduction Case: A Continuation of Forced Child Marriages in Pakistan – Youlin Magazine [3] https://sahil.org/cruel-numbers/

Geopolitics

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West’s Supremacist, Colonial Mindset Gets Exposed

Bharat does not require dictates in democratic principles from US, Germany or other European powers. West’s misguided, outdated and conceited assumptions must be abandoned outright. Rahul Pawa April and May 2024 will be etched as ‘decisive months’ in Bharat’s modern history as the country prepares for yet another dance of democracy, a five-yearly feature. It also unfolds the grand electoral exercise when an estimated 970 million voters would exercise their franchise to elect a new government. Bharat’s citizens spanning geographic landscape from the mighty Himalayas in the north to vast Indian Ocean in the south and from Thar Desert in the west to the Mishmi Hills in the east would queue up to vote and elect the new government for next five years. As per Election Commission of India, the electorate this year includes 20 million young first-time voters and 14.1 million newly registered female voters amongst 1.4 billion population, indicating a significant uptick in youth and female participation in Bharat’s democratic process. Hosting the world’s most expansive, inclusive and resilient proven democratic exercise may not have been fully appreciated by Western powers. And, Bharat finds itself as the target of unsolicited interventions by her Western counterparts like United States Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF), German Foreign Office, US State Department and United Nations (UN). These actions portray an arrogant presumption, a misplaced sense of superiority and a lingering colonial mindset that presupposes Western democratic models as the pinnacle of governance, undermining the sovereignty and integrity of Bharat’s electoral, legislative and constitutional workings. West have had often cited Athens as cradle of democracy, a system born from the union of the Greek terms ‘demos’ (people) and ‘kratos’ (power). This narrative positions Athenian model established under Cleisthenes in the fifth century BCE as the archetype of people-powered governance. Yet, this Eurocentric perspective overlooks profound democratic ethos embedded within the ancient civilization of Bharat, predating Greek democracy by centuries. Bharat’s engagement with democratic principles is not a borrowed concept but a homegrown tradition that finds its roots in the Rig Veda, estimated to be composed around 1500 BCE. This ancient text reveals a society where governance was not the dominion of a singular ruler but a collaborative effort involving the collective wisdom of the Sabha (assembly) and Samiti (council), indicative of an evolved and sophisticated understanding of democratic governance far before emergence of Greek Athenian model. Vedic texts including both the Rig and Atharva vedas, detail existence of assemblies where decisions were deliberated in the presence of kings, ministers and scholars. Such gatherings were characterized by inclusive discussions and integration of diverse viewpoints embodying the essence of democratic dialogue. Approval of these assemblies led to electing or identifying a leader or ‘rajan’ unlike in the west. The very concept of a leader or ‘Rajan’ was neither divine, absolute nor hereditary. Systemic checks and balances resonate with current democratic ideals. The invocation of ‘Samjnana’ in the Rig Veda symbolizing collective consciousness furthers intrinsic democratic spirit of ancient Bharat. This term, representing unity of thought and purpose among the people, was foundational to Vedic concept of governance where decisions were made through consensus reflecting a commitment to communal harmony and mutual respect. Moreover, historical records of Mahabharata and governance models described in Kautilya’s Arthashastra reveal a continuum of democratic practices through various epochs including republican systems of Licchavi and Vaishali where leaders were elected rather than born into power. Such examples affirmed that principles of democracy—participation, deliberation and representation—are not new to Bharat but are woven into the fabric of its society. Considering this wealth of historical evidence, the notion that Bharat requires dictates in democratic principles from a Western standpoint is not only misguided but perpetuates an outdated and conceited assumption that ought to be abandoned without delay. Bharat’s democratic and judicial frameworks are subjected to proliferated patterns of interference from international organizations necessitating a detailed examination of the motives and potential impacts of such foreign meddling. United States Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) established by Christian missionary groups concerned with the alleged persecution of Christian missionaries worldwide has positioned itself as a self-appointed global arbiter of religious freedom. Over years, it has regularly vocalized, often misleadingly, about Bharat’s society and governance. Since 2013-14, USCIRF’s stance towards Bharat has been significantly influenced by its interactions with Indian American Muslim Council (IAMC), an organization linked to the Islamic Circle of North America (ICNA), an offshoot of Jamaat-e-Islami (Pakistan), particularly regarding Citizenship Amendment Act. This relationship, uncovered by independent research from an Open Source Intelligence (OSINT) firm indicates a strategic campaign to influence US policy and public opinion against Bharat highlighting a complex network of influences that questions USCIRF and other such US based entities and their impartiality in evaluations concerning Bharat. Recent machinations to portray Bharat in a negative context magnify apprehensions regarding international discourse surrounding Bharat’s internal matters. Germany’s criticism of lawful arrest of Indian politician Arvind Kejriwal and remarks by UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres questioning integrity of its electoral process not only encroach upon the principles of sovereign equality and non-interference but also reveal a pattern of biased and agenda-driven scrutiny. Strikingly, Germany’s observations, juxtaposed against its role in hosting Nuremberg trials which aspired to set global legal precedents and ensure legal accountability at the highest levels of governance particularly stand out. United Nations bound by its charter to respect the sovereignty of its member states, seems increasingly influenced by growing financial contributions of Communist Party of China (CPC) indicating a shift in the dynamics of international power play. These developments do not merely affect the mechanisms of global governance but hint at complex strategic maneuvers, acknowledging resurgent Bharat as a principal contender in this global maze. Bharat advances towards electing her representatives to 18th Lok Sabha which is essentially a celebration of democracy that is unparalleled in scale and tradition, Unwarranted overreach by West into Bharat’s sovereign affairs and internal matters casts a long shadow over their intent and interest. This external curiosity cloaked in the guise of

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