Disinformation Hindus Misinformation Policy Security

Time for US to Take Extradition of Terrorists Rana and Headley to India Seriously

Washington and Ottawa have discarded Bharat’s national security concerns by not extraditing terrorists, David Coleman Headley & Tahawwur Rana Rahul Pawa Bharat has come under scrutiny of Western powers especially United States and Canada along with routine rhetorical accusations from Pakistani military officials on New Delhi’s involvement in elimination of terrorists on foreign shores. This leads us to a critical question. While both Washington and Ottawa take an aggressive stance on alleged Indian clandestine operations, are they committed to extraditing American and Canadian terrorists like David Coleman Headley and Tahawwur Rana? Or is there a deeper disregard for Bharat’s legitimate national security and criminal justice concerns? Fifteen years have passed since the devastating 26 / 11 Mumbai attacks, a series of coordinated terrorist assaults that shocked the world. Meticulously orchestrated by Pakistan, ten terrorists from Pakistan-based Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) crossed Arabian Sea to unleash terror on Mumbai, Bharat’s financial capital. The 60-hour siege that followed claimed 166 lives and injured over 300 civilians and security personnel leaving an indelible mark on the city’s history. Central to reconnaissance efforts leading to these vicious terrorist attacks were David Coleman Headley a.k.a Daood Sayed Gilani, an American citizen of Pakistani origin and Tahawwur Rana, a former Pakistan Army Captain and Canadian citizen. Headley, who conducted extensive surveillance and gathered crucial information on Mumbai targets, played a pivotal role in planning and execution of the attacks. He made multiple trips to Mumbai and provided detailed videos and sketches of the locations to attackers. Rana, an old friend of Headley from their days in Pakistani military school who also visited Mumbai facilitated these reconnaissance missions by providing Headley cover through his Chicago based immigration business. Following the devastating attacks, Headley and Rana were both apprehended and prosecuted for their roles in planning and executing these terrorist activities, as well as for conducting reconnaissance of a Danish daily in Denmark. American terrorist Headley was arrested by Federal Bureau of Investigations (FBI) in Chicago on October 3, 2009. In March 2010, he pleaded guilty to being terror trained in Pakistan, 12 terrorism-related charges, including aiding and abetting the 26/11 attacks which included six American victims. Headley cooperated with U.S. authorities providing intelligence and testimony that significantly advanced the investigation including key tip offs regarding Rana. In January 2013, Headley was sentenced to 35 years in prison. Around the same time, Canadian terrorist Rana was arrested on October 18, 2009. He was charged with providing material support to terrorist plots, including the Mumbai terrorist attacks and a planned terror attack on Jyllands-Posten in Denmark. In June 2011, Rana was convicted of conspiracy to provide material support to Lashkar-e-Taiba, terrorist group responsible for Mumbai attacks and for supporting the plot against Danish newspaper. However, strikingly, he was acquitted of direct involvement in Mumbai attacks. Rana was sentenced to 14 years in prison in January 2013. For over 11 years, Bharat diligently pursued extradition of David Headley and Tahawwur Rana from US under India-U.S. Extradition Treaty of 1997seeking justice for their roles in 26 / 11 Mumbai terrorist attacks. The extradition request for Headley was sent on December 7, 2012. Headley’s cooperation with U.S. authorities and his plea agreement which precluded his extradition to India, Pakistan, or Denmark, Bharat remains steadfast in its efforts to hold him accountable under her own laws where the crime was abetted, planned and committed. The plea agreement spared Headley from death penalty and barred his extradition. It has been a point of contention with Indian authorities which feels that US soft-pedaled and did not cooperate in providing access to Headley. Although officials from India’s National Intelligence Agency (NIA) were able to interrogate Headley in Chicago in June 2010, they could do so only in the presence of FBI agents, leading to concerns that the information obtained was restricted. Importantly, while the plea agreement limits Headley’s extradition for the crimes he confessed to, the U.S. Secretary of State holds the authority to potentially extradite Headley for offenses other than those related to the 26/11 attacks or if he violates the plea agreement. Secretary of State seems to have been party to this plea agreement thereby denying extradition of Headley. Bharat has been pursuing extradition of Tahawwur Rana. Following his conviction in US, New Delhi requested his extradition along with evidence on August 13, 2020. On May 16, 2023, a US court concluded that Rana was extraditable for offenses related to Mumbai attacks and certified this finding to US Secretary of State. In May, Rana had filed a writ of habeas corpus, challenging the court order that agreed with US government’s request for his extradition to India. On August 2, 2023, Judge Dale S. Fischer of US District Court in California denied Rana’s petition for a writ of habeas corpus, paving the way for US Secretary of State to issue a certification for his extradition to India. However, Rana has filed an appeal against the order and sought a stay on his extradition to India until his appeal in the Ninth Circuit Court is heard, leading to his extradition being stayed on August 18, 2023. His extradition remains pending. US and Canada played hardball on both these key extraditions that were to be tried for waging a war against Bharat’s sovereignty. On the other hand, the two countries were working in tandem to corner Bharat on the killing of Hardeep Singh Nijjar. Nijjar is a Khalistani terrorist trained by Pakistan’s notorious Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) and funded to carry out terrorist activities in India and posed significant threats. Similarly, Gurpatwant Singh Pannun, face of proscribed entity, Sikhs for Justice (SFJ), is another example. SFJ has been declared an unlawful association under Sub-Section (1) and (3) of Section 3 of Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967. Numerous scholars of terrorism and international relations, as well as the Indian government, recognise both Nijjar and Pannun as terrorists. They frequently expose the so-called “Khalistani Movement” as a front for Pakistan recently furthered by Communist Party of China (CPC) to engage in

Hindus Human Rights Pakistan Policy Security

495

Combating Terrorism, Not Targeting Sikh Community

Nobody supports violating sanctity of Harmandir Sahib, hurting panthic traditions, culture or devout Sikhs way of life. Handful of terrorists aligned to Khalistan forced Operation Blue Star. Operation Blue Star was carried out by the Indian Armed Forces from June 1 to 10, 1984. The key objective was to remove Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale and his associates from the Golden Temple compound in Amritsar, Punjab, where they had seized control of this sacred site revered in Sikhism and other Dharmic faiths. This holy place, recognized as the most sacred in Dharmic culture, became the center of a significant criminal justice operation. Many have misinterpreted it as an attack on the Sikh community. However, a broader perspective reveals that Operation Blue Star was a necessary response to escalating terrorism in Punjab, which was supported and backed by the Islamic Republic of Pakistan under Zia-Ul-Haq’s K2 policy. K2 aimed to foster several secession movements by promoting insurgencies and terrorism as part of its larger objective to destabilize India. Context and Catalysts for Operation Blue Star The roots of Operation Blue Star can be traced back to the early 1980s, when insurgency in Punjab was on the rise. Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale, a radical Sikh preacher, emerged as a strong supporter of the Anandpur Sahib Resolution. This resolution advocated for more autonomy for Punjab, and Bhindranwale controversially manipulated its narrative to the larger community to establish a separate Sikh state called Khalistan. His speeches and actions drew a large following, and by 1982, he and his armed supporters had fortified themselves inside the Golden Temple (Harmandir Sahib) complex. Bhindranwale held captive pilgrims belonging to Hindu and Sikh Dharmic faiths, encouraged violence, carried out assassinations, and stockpiled weapons within the sacred compound. The initial bloodshed was ignited by Bhindranwale’s gang within the Darbar Sahib or Golden Temple. The first murder was that of DIG Avtar Singh Atwal, killed in broad daylight. After Atwal’s murder, police officers were afraid to touch the body without Bhindranwale’s permission. This murder sparked a debate over the sanctity of the Darbar Sahib, which was undermined by Bhindranwale’s terrorist associates. The Indian government was under increasing pressure to maintain law and order and combat the growing threat of terrorism. Despite numerous attempts to negotiate, Bhindranwale’s intransigence forced the government to launch an operation to reclaim the Golden Temple and eliminate the militant threat. Operation Blue Star Operation Blue Star was carried out in two phases: Operation Metal and Operation Woodrose. Operation Metal aimed to eliminate the terrorists entrenched in the Golden Temple compound. Following this, Operation Woodrose sought to combat terrorism in Punjab by apprehending or neutralizing suspected terrorists. On June 3, 1984, a 36-hour curfew was imposed in Punjab, cutting off all communication, electricity, and transportation. Hundreds of Sikh pilgrims who had arrived to mark Guru Arjan Dev’s martyrdom anniversary found themselves trapped inside the Golden Temple. The Indian Army, led by Lt. General Kuldip Singh Brar, surrounded the temple complex with troops, tanks, and artillery. The operation began on the night of June 5, 1984, and lasted five days. The Akal Takht, a significant structure inside the complex, was occupied by Bhindranwale’s armed followers, making it a focal point of fierce confrontation. In the effort to save the Akal Takht, the Indian Army incurred heavy losses. By the morning of June 7, the army had taken control of the Harmandir Sahib complex, and Bhindranwale, along with his associates, were neutralized. Separating Fact from Fiction Operation Blue Star was not an attack on the Sikh community or its believers; it was a targeted response to terrorism. The Indian government’s primary objective was to reestablish law and order in Punjab by ending the criminals’ occupation of the Golden Temple. Critics of the operation often overlook the fact that Bhindranwale and his companions had turned a holy site into an armed fortress, risking the lives of innocent pilgrims and undermining the temple’s sanctity. Despite the adverse conditions, the Indian Armed Forces took extraordinary steps to defend the holy site and avert civilian casualties. The timing of the operation was planned to prevent further mobilization and violence by Bhindranwale and his associates. To maintain the sanctity of the temple, it was critical to reclaim the sacred site from Bhindranwale and his terror accomplices, who had transformed it into a terrorist hotspot. Global Propaganda In subsequent years, outfits like Pakistan backed Sikhs for Justice (SFJ) have continued to use unfortunate unraveling’s at the Golden temple to advance their radical cause. Gurpatwant Singh Pannun, a proscribed terrorist and face of SFJ has spread false propaganda to legitimize Pakistan’s agenda within the Sikh community. Pannun and his outfit continue to portray Operation Blue Star as an intentional attack on Sikhism, neglecting the background of escalating terrorism and the government’s responsibilities to maintain law and order. The SFJ’s activities are part of a larger successionist propaganda to legitimize the Khalistan movement. This narrative is intended to manipulate emotions and create outrage, particularly among younger generations who may lack a systematic understanding of the historical background. By presenting the operation as an act of religious oppression, the SFJ aspires to impart a sense of hate and regularize their separatist and violent actions. The Impact of Fabricated Narratives The misleading narratives crafted by SFJ have grave consequences for civic harmony and national security. By misrepresenting the facts, these entities feed a cycle of distrust and anger within the dharmic community especially Sikhs in India as well as abroad. This divisive discourse undermines efforts toward reconciliation and peace, intensifying contentions and potentially inspiring future violence. Moreover, describing Operation Blue Star as an attack on the Sikh community rather than a counter-terrorism operation diminishes the sacrifices made by the Indian Armed Forces. Many soldiers, especially Sikhs, endangered their lives to reestablish peace and safeguard the nation’s integrity. Recognizing the true nature of Operation Blue Star is critical to honoring their bravery while also acknowledging the government’s complicated challenges in dealing with terrorism. Eyewitness Accounts A veteran journalist, Satish Jacob, who was then freelancing

Uncategorized

609

When A Nation Crushed Its Own People…

A horrific incident in global history unfolded on June 4, 1989, when Deng Xiaoping, leader of Communist Party of China, declared martial law to trample upon students led protests in capital city, Beijing. The 27th and 38th divisions of People’s Liberation Army slaughtered hundreds of innocent citizens, student and youth, brutally carrying out diktats of Communist Oligarchs run party leadership. Rohan Giri June 3, 1989 was the day when Beijing engulfed with fear as Chinese dictatorship turned its weapons and tanks on its own people. Tiananmen Square Massacre is vivid reminder to which the Chinese regime led by Communist Party of China (CPC) went to reinforce its authority. This was more than just a crackdown; it was ruthless invasion of the Chinese people by their own leadership, sending shockwaves globally and haunting generations. The protest was outcome of rising socio-political inequality in China. Economic changes under Deng Xiaoping’s leadership lead to elevated corruption and socio-political inequality. On the other hand, reformist leader Hu Yaobang’s demise led to students’ rallies calling for political reform, government accountability and an end to corruption. As the protests spread, Chinese dictatorship declared martial law, fearing a loss of power and eventually chose to deploy soldiers of People’s Liberation Army to crush the peaceful protesters. The merciless crackdown killed hundreds of people and marked a dark episode in the Communist Party of China’s purported revolutionary efforts, symbolizing the extent to which CPC went to secure its rule and suppress dissent. The massacre had far-reaching consequences, emphasizing constant struggle for human rights and political liberty. How Brutality Began The protests that ended in the massacre began in April 1989, following death of Hu Yaobang, a former Communist Party leader who had been a symbol of reform. Students, intellectuals and labour activists gathered at Tiananmen Square (a city square in Beijing) to mourn Hu and request political and economic reforms including freedom and an end to corruption. Today also, CPC leadership under President Xi Jingping exhibits massive purge in political dissent and challenge to his leadership in the name of campaign against corruption. Same was the case then in1989 when the People’s Liberation Army tanks run over its own people seeking political and economic reforms. In 1989, when number of protestors increased, the authorities became more anxious. On May 20, martial law was imposed, and thousands of troops were sent out in Beijing. By end of May, the administration was set to crush demonstrators. On the evening of June 3, a directive was issued to eradicate demonstrators from the square using all violent and dictatorial means. The bloodshed that occurred was profound. People’s Liberation Army equipped with rifles, bayonets and tanks paraded into the city. The armed forces were instructed to shoot to kill and they did so extensively. The streets surrounding Tiananmen Square became slaughter houses when the army opened fire on defenseless civilians including women, children, and the elderly. Eyewitness stories depict scenes of chaos and slaughter, with victims scattered all over the streets and makeshift blockades flattened by tank treads. Victims’ Account One of the most distressing accounts is that of Wang Nan, 19-year-old student and aspiring journalist. Wang was among the first to be killed, shot in the head by PLA soldiers as he tried to photograph the events unfolding. His father, Wang Fandi, later detailed the suffering of detecting his son’s body amid many others in a hospital mortuary. Wang Nan’s execution represents silence of a generation’s voice and the shattering aspirations for an inclusive society. Another tragic account is of Liu Xiaobo, who was not killed in the massacre but became one of its recognizable victims. Liu, a literary critic and activist, was present at Tiananmen Square during the crackdown. On June 2, he began a four-man, three-day hunger strike. Later known as “Tiananmen Four Gentlemen Hunger Strike,” that gained students faith. Another three gentlemen with Liu were Hou Dejian (well-known songwriter and vocalist), Zhou Tou (Lecturer in sociology at Peking University), and Gao Xin (former editor of the Beijing Normal University Gazette). Liu was taken into custody at Qincheng Prison on June 5 for his involvement in students protest. The Chinese state-backed media published numerous reports calling him a “mad dog” and a “black hand” for allegedly inciting and manipulating student movement to topple the government and socialism. His writings were banned including his fourth book ‘Going Naked Toward God’. He survived and continued to struggle for human rights and democracy in China that led to several imprisonments. Liu received Nobel Peace Prize in 2010. Liu Xiaobo’s struggle and death in prison in 2017 validate the massacre’s lasting consequences for those who dared to speak out. Butchers of Beijing Tiananmen Square Massacre has had a lasting effect on generations. In light of the CPC’s rigorous control over information, younger generations in China may be oblivious to the massacre because the story is banned from textbooks, media and all other public contexts. Control of traditional forms of media such as newspapers, books, television, and radio has always been the norm for CCP from the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976) to Tiananmen massacre. Immediately after massacre of the students, it was renamed as ‘counter-revolutionary rebellion,’ gradually downgraded the massacre to an event and finally skirmish. However, individuals who learn about it, whether through family stories or international media, frequently experience a complicated range of emotions, including anger, despair and a sense of unfairness. Memory of the massacre has played an important part in formation of the post-1989 understanding between rulers and ruled in China. The legacy of Tiananmen Square Massacre highlights importance of historical reminiscence. Efforts to preserve remembrance of the massacre, such as annual vigils in Hong Kong and formation of monuments around the world, serve as a reminder of those who made ultimate sacrifice for their convictions. These measures are critical to confirming that the lessons of Tiananmen are not overlooked. Concluding Observation Tiananmen Square Massacre was a moment when a nation turned against its own people causing unspeakable suffering and leaving

Guest Column Leadership

949

Reforms Should Go Beyond Economy, Touch Every Facet of Life

Let’s leverage strengths for global good, meet aspirations of Bharat’s citizens as we progress to become a developed country by 2047 Narendra Modi The biggest festival of democracy, the 2024 Lok Sabha Elections, is concluding today in our nation, the Mother of Democracy. After a three-day spiritual journey in Kanniyakumari, I have just boarded the plane for Delhi. Through the day, Kashi and numerous other seats have been in the midst of voting. My mind is filled with so many experiences and emotions… I feel a boundless flow of energy within myself. The 2024 Lok Sabha elections are the first in the Amrit Kaal. I began my campaign a few months ago from Meerut, the land of the First War of Independence of 1857. Since then, I have traversed ac-ross the length and breadth of our great nation. The final rally of these elections took me to Hoshiarpur in Punjab, the land of the great Gurus and a land associated with Sant Ravidas Ji. After that, I came to Kanniyakumari, at the feet of Maa Bharti. It is natural that the fervour of the elections was echoing in my heart and mind. The multitude of faces seen in rallies and road shows came in front of my eyes. The blessings from our Nari Shakti… the trust, the affection, all of this was a very humbling experience. My eyes were getting moist… I entered into a ‘sadhana’ (meditative state). And then, the heated political debates, the attacks and counter-attacks, the voices and words of accusations which are so characteristic of an election… they all vanished into a void. A sense of detachment came to grow within me… my mind became completely detached from the external world. Meditation becomes challenging amidst such huge responsibilities, but the land of Kanniya Kumari and the inspiration of Swami Vivekananda made it effortless. As a candidate myself, I left my campaign in the hands of my beloved people of Kashi and came here. I am also grateful to God for instilling in me these values from birth, which I have cherished and tried to live up to. I was also thinking about what Swami Vivekananda must have experienced during his meditation at this very place in Kanniyakumari! A part of my meditation was spent in a similar stream of thoughts. Amidst this detachment, amidst the peace and silence, my mind was constantly thinking about the bright future of Bharat, the goals of Bharat. The rising sun at Kanniyakumari gave new heights to my thoughts, the vastness of the ocean expanded my ideas, and the expanse of the horizon continuously made me realise the unity, the Oneness, embedded in the depths of the universe. It seemed as if the observations and experiences undertaken in the lap of the Himalayas decades ago were being revived. Kanniyakumari has always been very close to my heart. The Vivekananda Rock Memorial in Kanniyakumari was built under the leadership of Shri Eknath Ranade ji. I had the opportunity to travel extensively with Eknath ji. During the construction of this memorial, I had the opportunity to spend some time in Kanniyakumari as well. From Kashmir to Kanniyakumari… this is a common identity that is deeply ingrained in the heart of every citizen of the country. This is the ‘Shakti Peeth’ (seat of Shakti) where Maa Shakti incarnated as Kanya Kumari. At this southern tip, Maa Shakti performed penance and waited for Bhagwan Shiva, who was residing in the Himalayas at the northernmost parts of Bharat. Kanniyakumari is the land of confluences. The sacred rivers of our country flow into different seas, and here, those very seas converge. And here, we witness another great confluence – the ideological confluence of Bharat! Here, we find the Vivekananda Rock Memorial, a grand statue of Saint Thiruvalluvar, Gandhi Mandapam, and Kamarajar Mani Mandapam. These streams of thought from these stalwarts converge here to form a confluence of national thought. This gives rise to great inspirations for nation-building. This land of Kanniyakumari gives an indelible message of unity, especially to any person who doubts Bharat’s nationhood and the sense of unity. The grand statue of Saint Thiruvalluvar in Kanniyakumari seems to be looking at the expanse of Maa Bharti from the sea. His work Thirukkural is one of the crown jewels of the beautiful Tamil language. It covers every aspect of life, inspiring us to give our best for ourselves and for the nation. It was my great fortune to pay my respects to such a great figure. Swami Vivekananda once said, “Every nation has a message to deliver, a mission to fulfil, a destiny to reach.” For thousands of years, Bharat has been moving forward with this sense of meaningful purpose. Bharat has been a cradle of ideas for thousands of years. We have never considered what we have acquired as our personal wealth or measured it purely by economic or material parameters. Therefore, ‘Idam-na-mama’ (this is not mine) has become an inherent and natural part of the character of Bharat. Bharat’s welfare benefits our planet’s journey to progress as well. Take the freedom movement as an example. Bharat gained independence on Aug 15, 1947. At that time, many countries around the world were under colonial rule. Bharat’s independence journey inspired and empowered many of those countries to achieve their own freedom. That same spirit was seen decades later when the world came face to face with the once in a century Covid-19 pandemic. When concerns were raised about the poor and developing countries, Bharat’s successful efforts provided courage and assistance to many nations. Today, Bharat’s governance model has become an example for many countries around the world. Empowering 25 crore people to rise above poverty in just 10 years is unprecedented. Innovative practices such as Pro-People Good Governance, aspirational districts, and aspirational blocks are being discussed globally today. Our efforts, from empowering the poor to last-mile delivery, have inspired the world by prioritising individuals standing at the last rung of society. Bharat’s Digital India campaign is now an example for the entire

Disinformation Hindus Media Misinformation Security World

559

Fuelling Discontent Dishonestly

Ziya Us Salam’s propagandist anti-Hindu book, “Being Muslim in Hindu India” promoted by habitual offender The New York Times Dr Shailendra Kumar Pathak The book, “Being Muslim in Hindu India,” by Ziya Us Salam, an author infamous for his agenda driven writings has sparked controversy and debate, particularly due to its propagation of what many perceive as a narrative steeped in victimhood and misinformation. A recent article in The New York Times edition of May 18, 2024, titled ‘Strangers in Their Own Land: Being Muslim in Modi’s India’ by Mujib Mashal and Hari Kumar seems to be an attempt at amplifying this very min-information. Assertions made in the book that are one-sided may have suited anti-Hindu and anti-Bharat agenda of The New York Times. Media outlets like ABC News, AFP News from US also echoed the packaged mis-information peddled by Ziya Us Islam. On closer scrutiny, it becomes evident that claims made in the book and related articles are riddled with inaccuracies and lack substantive evidence. A few media outlets had to cut a sorry figure as US State Department debunked their claims on lack of religious freedom in Bharat. On May 20, US foreign ministry spokesperson Matthew Miller said that the state rejects such reports outright. “We are deeply committed to promoting and protecting universal respect for the right to freedom of religion or belief worldwide. We have engaged many countries including India on the importance of equal treatment for members of all religious communities,” Miller said at a briefing. In this write up, claims made by Ziya Us Islam in his book and related foreign media reports are being closely scrutinised to expose the fallacies and distortions that underpin them. Salam’s book propagates false victimhood narrative suggesting that Muslims in Bharat are constantly oppressed and marginalized due to their religious identity. This portrayal ignores the socio-political realities of Bharat where Muslims have held significant positions in government, businesses, academia and arts. Dharmic ethos has led Bharat to accommodating diverse religious communities and faiths including Muslims over the millennia. It may not be an exaggeration to say that Bharat is the only country that’s home to most sects and sub-sects of Muslims. Overplay by foreign media sporadic localised incidents involving minorities in Bharat are absurd. Prime Minister’s Economic Advisory Council said in a report that from 1950 to 2015, muslim population in Bharat increased by 43.15 per cent. On the contrary, a decline of 7.82 per cent has been reported for Hindus during the same period. If muslims faced atrocities or were under attack as Ziya Us Islam and his media friends claim, will the absolute number of muslims surge? The research found that Christian, Sikh and Buddhist numbers increased while Jain and Parsi populations fell. Is there, any country across the world where any community faced discrimination and wrath of majority but its number grew consistently over 65-year time frame? Propagandist book alleges systemic discrimination by Indian state against Muslim citizens. On the contrary, Bharat’s Constitution guarantees equal rights and opportunities to all its citizens, irrespective of religion. Government policies and initiatives aim to uplift marginalized communities including Muslims, through affirmative action and welfare schemes. Accusations of state-sponsored discrimination lack evidence and serve only to fuel divisive agendas. One glaring flaw in Salam’s book is his selective interpretation of history. He conveniently ignores instances where Hindu-Muslim harmony prevailed and exaggerates isolated incidents of conflict to paint a grim picture of interfaith relations in Bharat. In reality, Bharat’s cultural tapestry is woven with threads of coexistence and mutual respect, exemplified by centuries-old syncretic traditions and shared cultural practices. Salam’s work ventures to perpetuate stereotypes about Hinduism, portraying it as inherently hostile towards Muslims. This misrepresentation not only undermines the rich tapestry of Hindu philosophy and spirituality but reinforces divisive narratives that fuel communal tensions. Hinduism encompasses diverse beliefs and practices embodied by principles of tolerance, compassion and pluralism. Salam’s lies hit the roof when he claims that ancestors of Bhagwan Ram were Muslims. It has been proved with scientific research that Ram existed more than 3000 years before Islam took birth on this earth. The book sensationalizes Hindu – Muslim relations by highlighting isolated incidents of communal violence while ignoring the vast majority of harmonious interactions between two communities. Bharat’s cultural fabric is woven with threads of diversity and tolerance where Hindus and Muslims coexisted peacefully celebrating each other’s festivals and sharing social bonds. Instances of communal harmony far outweigh sporadic conflicts, a fact conveniently overlooked in the propaganda narrative. Salam illustrates some incidents where those accused in murder of Muslims were given heroic welcome. The author deliberately keeps silent on targeted killing, rape and sexual abuse of Hindu girls and women perpetuated by Muslims through predesigned means and campaigns. Salam appears very upset towards laws against ‘love jehad’ encouraged by Muslim families through fake identity. His conscience does not stir when reports appear each day on rapes, murders, discords, divorce, abuse of Hindu girls. By singularly portraying Muslims as victims of purported Hindu oppression, Salam overlooks the agency and resilience of the Muslim community in Bharat. Despite facing challenges, Muslims have made significant contributions to Bharat’s cultural, economic and social fabric. From art and literature to science and technology, Muslims have excelled in various fields enriching the nation’s diversity and heritage. Attributing violence to Hindu extremism oversimplifies complex socio-political dynamics. Like any other country Bharat also grapples with various forms of violence including caste-based and intra-religious conflicts. Blaming Hindu nationalism for all instances of violence undermines efforts to address broader issues of social justice and communal harmony. Salam’s book risks exacerbating sectarian tensions by essentializing Hindu-Muslim identities and reinforcing a binary narrative of “us versus them.” Such divisive rhetoric not only undermines Bharat’s secular ethos but plays into the hands of extremists on both sides who seek to sow discord and hatred. Instead of fostering unity and understanding, Salam’s work could fuel polarization and mistrust. The propaganda propagated in Ziya Us Salam’s book, “Being Muslim in Hindu

Education Leadership Technology World

589

Think Different, Do Differently

Modi 3.0 may have to extricate itself from incremental expansion of on-going projects, if it were to lead Bharat to exalted developed nation status K.A.Badarinath Prime Minister Narendra Modi is expected to form a government for record third term in a row with comfortable majority after a tumultuous eight-week long Lok Sabha elections campaign. While Modi 3.0 begins mid-June, there’s huge interest globally on the agenda for the new government. There’s already some spadework done by the present regime on what would perhaps be rolled out in first 100-days of freshly minted National Democratic Alliance government. Once the new government takes charge with a reconstituted team under Prime Minister Modi, political stability at centre and 20-odd states ruled by BJP or its coalition partners is assured. Unlike several countries that are in the midst of wars, conflicts or political instability, Bharat would stand out as a nation of 1.4 billion people to emerge as the global economic powerhouse and a beacon of hope for global communities. The eight per cent plus growth coupled with stable interest rates and reined-in inflation levels at 4 per cent will serve as backdrop for Bharat to emerge as third largest economy globally surpassing Germany and Japan. After US and China, Bharat will emerge as third largest economy and a hub for agricultural produce, industrial manufacturing, providing services and export cost-effective quality goods and services. In first three years of Modi 3.0, Bharat will not only be valued as US$ five trillion economy, but would well be on way to move up market capitalisation in stocks sweepstakes. Already, both BSE and NSE have reported that market capitalization in Bharat have crossed a whopping US$ five trillion serving as a leading indicator on what’s in store for the economy. First big task for new finance minister to occupy the corner room in North Block would be to present a full regular budget in three months along with blueprint for making Bharat a developed economy by 2047. Opposition parties, especially the Congress, may have scoffed at the idea of ‘developed nation’ tag for Bharat, but putting in place nuts and bolts to go big is something inevitable. A commendable job done by Nirmala Sitharaman is what would come handy for Modi 3.0 while charting its course for attaining the exalted ‘vikasit bharat’ status which is both a commitment and conviction for Team Modi. Cash surpluses of over Rs. three lakh crore, RBI dividend of Rs 2.1 lakh crore and record foreign exchange reserves of US$ 648.7 billion as on May 25 serve as positives for new government to rollout short term measures in its long journey to becoming a developed nation. Even if interim budget expenditure projections of Rs 47.65 lakh crore and gross tax collections target of Rs 38.2 lakh crore are retained, borrowings through bonds and bills may be pruned by third edition of Modi government. Alternatively, retaining gross borrowings at Rs 14.13 lakh crore in 2024-25 will provide enough leeway for the new government to introduce new elements to economic expansion and put it on high growth trajectory of over 10 per cent growth on continuum for three years. A big push to capital spending to create assets across infrastructure areas at Rs 12 lakh crore may become focal point to further Modi government’s campaign to evolve New India along with new jobs, services and opportunities, cater to the aspirational youth that backed BJP-led NDA in the seven phase Lok Sabha elections that ended today. Sticking to fiscal prudence strategy that involves reduced fresh borrowings, lower accumulation of debt and interest payments outgo coupled with serious recalibration of food, fertilizer and oil subsidies may have to continue without any let up. On the parallel, deepening and broad-basing famed growth paradigm with focused development interventions in education, healthcare, housing, water and farm support is what the Narendra Modi government in its new avtar may have to continue. Real challenge will be to lay firm foundation for a ‘new developed’ Bharat. Out of box thinking may propel diversified economic expansion that’s inclusive and target oriented. For instance, can the new government think of 20 new growth centres to take Bharat’s economy to next level? What does that mean? Say for instance, can Sandeshkhali in West Bengal’s Sunderbans area where women faced violence and sexual abuse become new growth centre for women-centric development project? Three crore ‘lakhpati’ didis scheme be housed in Sandeshkhali and spread across Bharat as women’s economic empowerment project of Bharat. Local skills, opportunities and fresh ideas from different states apart from development of eco-sensitive Sundarbans waterfront can be weaved into this signature project of Prime Minister Modi. Comprehensive economic uplift project for tribal communities can be centred in Bastar or Narayanpur in Chattisgarh where both Left extremism and rampant religious conversion of vulnerable tribal communities happen routinely. Can a growth centre be planned and implemented for fisheries development with coastal Kerala or Andhra Pradesh being its headquarters? Should fisheries be managed and regulated from Delhi? A fresh economic growth model around fisheries and coastal areas development can be evolved to give thrust to these areas. If Hyderabad is developed as defence technologies and original manufacturing hub, can’t ports based economic development model be designed in Odisha? No new project, scheme or public sector company should be allowed registration in national capital region or the metropolis. Twenty-odd new thematic growth areas can be considered to spread development projects to nook and corner of Bharat. If required, some ministries, departments, state-run companies, autonomous bodies may have to be located away from Delhi. Modi 3.0 can even design twenty hubs with spokes and spines each for start-ups, different financial services etc as decentralized economic growth centres. Why not relocate agriculture ministry to say Amritsar or Ludhiana without making hue and cry about it? Should comprehensive hills development project not be run out of Uttarakhand or Himachal Pradesh? There’s very little utility in keeping environment and forests ministry housed in Paryavaran Bhavan located at posh Jor

Afghanistan Bangladesh Bhutan Geopolitics Leadership Nepal Policy Security Sri lanka Technology

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Bharat Goes Whole Hog in Neighbourhood

Stability, progress and growth is what Bharat seeks to achieve in South Asia through its ‘neighbourhood first’ policy Dr Divya Gupta Post-independence in 1947, Bharat pursued a regional policy based on the principle that neighbours are important to national security and a market that can contribute to India’s economic development. Given the bipolar world order that prevailed during Cold War, Bharat pursued non-alignment based on its stated global role as the third-world leader. India built her policy on the basis of “The Five Principles of Peaceful Co-existence” (Panchsheel) which was first signed on April 28, 1954 between then Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru and his Chinese counterpart Zhou Enlai. Panchsheel covered issues like sovereignty and integrity, territorial integrity, no mutual aggression, non-interference in each other’s internal affairs, equality, mutual benefit and peaceful coexistence. Panchsheel agreement was considered one of the significant bases for building foreign policy with immediate neighbouring countries that India pursued after independence. But, Prime Minister Nehru was particularly interested in building and strengthening international cooperation especially among developing countries. Indian foreign policy during that period had focused more on international relations than neighbourhood relations. After end of Cold War, India made significant adjustments in her foreign policy framework owing to international, regional changes and internal challenges. Over the years, India has gradually come to occupy a significant role on strategic chessboard within the region and the world. A person who thought ahead about close relationship with neighbouring countries was former Prime Minister Inder Kumar Gujral, known for his Gujral doctrine, a policy orienting the relationship between India and its neighbours. Gujral doctrine was a policy that sought friendship based on sovereign equality and non-interference with “non-reciprocal magnanimity” towards smaller countries such as Bangladesh, Nepal, and Sri Lanka. The incumbent Prime Minister Narender Modi has formulated, followed and executed “neighbourhood first policy” in letter and spirit with respect to our immediate neighbours including Afghanistan. Essence of this policy is the desire to effectively contribute to the construction and architecture to establish a stable foundation of peace and cooperation in South Asia in particular and Asia in general as a responsible, stable and large country. Narendra Modi expanded the matrix of his foreign policy framework, took new line showing distinct imprint in his policies. He formulated his foreign policy doctrine (Modi doctrine) and introduced new pillars of India’s foreign policy (Panchamrit) including five pillars: dignity, dialogue, shared prosperity, regional and global security, cultural and civilization linkages aimed at affirming India’s position as a rising power in the world. During high-level discussion at 69th session of United Nations General Assembly in September 2014, Prime Minister Modi said, “The destiny of a country is linked to its neighbourhood. That is why my government has placed the highest priority on advancing friendship and cooperation with neighbours” (Modi 2014). He argued that “neighbours are the number one priority” which is considered a bright spot in India’s foreign policy. India’s ‘Neighbourhood First policy’ guides its approach towards management of relations with countries in its immediate neighbourhood, i.e. Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Maldives, Myanmar, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka. The policy is based on the idea that a stable and prosperous neighbourhood is essential for Bharat’s economic and security interests. The Neighbourhood First Policy is also part of Bharat’s larger vision of becoming a leading power in the region and world. India’s Neighbourhood First policy can also be seen as a manifestation of Modi government’s vision of building ‘Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam (the world as one family). Vaccine diplomacy and development assistance based on mutual respect and equal partnership are two most important pillars to catapult India’s Neighbourhood First policy[i]. Vaccine diplomacy has been seen as pragmatic response to a global pandemic and way to strengthen its image as a responsible leader at both regional and global levels. Noteworthy, Indian diplomacy, particularly during the Covid-19[ii] pandemic, resulted in India being recognised on the world stage as a harbinger of hope providing necessary help to needy nations and their people globally. As part of India’s Neighbourhood First policy, India, through its vaccine diplomacy (Vaccine Maitri)[iii], extended help to many countries of the world and neighbouring countries during the Covid-19 pandemic. Also, and notwithstanding that India was affected very badly, particularly during the second wave, India handled the situation very well to overcome the worst effects of the pandemic relatively, and at the same time, help other countries to address the challenge. Primary beneficiaries of Vaccine Maitri in South Asian region are Bangladesh (Rs 22.5928 million in total supplies in the form of commercial and grant assistance, followed by Nepal (Rs 9.499 million); Sri Lanka (Rs 1.2640 million); Afghanistan (Rs 1.4680 million); Bhutan (Rs 0.55 million) and Maldives (Rs 0.312 million). India committed $10 million to South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) Fund to address the global pandemic. Keeping with the spirit of Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam, India is providing support to Afghanistan and Sri Lanka to address their myriad challenges through its development assistance initiative. Since the Taliban assumed charge in Afghanistan, India supplied wheat and other essential food items and Covid-19 vaccines as humanitarian aid to Afghanistan. In its budget for 2022-23, India allocated Rs 2,000 million as development assistance to Afghanistan. Apart from this India also provides financial assistance to neighbouring countries through Lines of Credit (LoCs), Grant-in-aid, Credit Facility, Currency Swap Facility and others. India has extended four Lines of Credit worth US $ 7.862 billion to Bangladesh under Indian Development and Economic Assistance Scheme (IDEAS). India also supports Bangladesh in several developmental and infrastructure projects across sectors such as roads, highways, railways, ports, power transmission, waste management, economic zones, information and communication technology, solar power generation etc. India has also provided Rs. 45,000 million as development assistance for 12th Five Year Plan (November 2018-October 2023) to Bhutan. India has extended five LoCs totalling to US $ 1.33 billion[iv] to Maldives including assistance to Greater Male Connectivity Project. India has provided budgetary support to Maldives. In September 2020, India offered US $ 250 million in financial assistance to Maldives to mitigate the impact

Geopolitics Hindus Leadership Opinion Policy Security

659

Bumpy ride for Republican Nepal

Political parties, old and new, will have to measure up to expectations of Nepalese people for socio-economic development, prosperity Navita Srikant General Elections of November 2022 in Nepal saw emergence of alternate political parties besides the mainstream traditional players. Traditional democratic forces and communist ideologies were challenged by young and professional voices who advocated change. Terai Leaders continued their journey in fragments. The Elections also witnessed calls for return to Hindu Nation and Constitutional Monarchy as against the present multi-party system. “Raja aau Desh Bachau” (Oh King! Please come to save the country) was popular with youngsters. It has been eighteen months since 2022 elections and political uncertainty as well as chaos has become the new normal. If there be one line to sum up the mood amongst citizenry, it would be the desire to seek change from prevailing status quo. Youth continue to be a frustrated lot given that the education is redundant and does not land them in jobs. Women struggle to make their voice heard and be represented in decision making within a regimental patriarchal society while businesses struggle to deal with liquidity crunch. They see little hope even in clearing public borrowings made during global pandemic Covid19. Entrepreneurship across Nepal is on the deathbed as there’s no supportive ecosystem. Amidst this social and economic unrest in Nepalese society, one had hoped for political stability to address these lingering issues. But, the mainstream parties as well as new political formations could barely sustain the momentum of growth and development. Instead, they got pre-occupied with power sharing permutations and combinations. In the meanwhile, forex reserves swelled only due to increased remittances. But, increasing conflict and war situations around the world exposed vulnerability of remittances-based economies like Nepal and amplified the need for more stable policy frameworks. On domestic front, Nepal was hit by high profile policy related corruption that seriously dented the image of political parties. Bhutanese Fake Refugee Scam of transnational nature incriminated high ranking politicians, former ministers and bureaucrats. Policy linked corruption in cases as Giri Bandhu Tea Estate, Lalita Niwas Land scam and Cooperative sector irregularities are classic cases of amending rules, regulations to enable non-state actors from taking advantage to benefit chosen private entities at the cost of the Exchequer. Similarly, Maoist Cantonment scam is another case to use state coffers to pay the parties’ supporters. It wouldn’t be an exaggeration to state that the strongest and only nation state in South Asia that was never colonized is being plundered and looted by its own political leadership and more so under the new three-tier federal system. In the recently released, sixty first annual report of the Office of Auditor General of Nepal, it is stated that 171 local level units under Local Government have spent Nepali Rs 9.15 crores in salaries for appointment of personal secretaries and advisors for which there is no provision in provincial laws. Additionally, the report pointed out irregularities in procurement and implementation in projects managed by Nepali Police and Security Forces. Nepali Army’s name was embroiled in cases of procurement irregularities in Kathmandu Terai Fast Track Project (KTFT Project). In a recent case, there was an uproar in arrest of Kailash Sirohiya, the chairman of Kantipur Media Group (KMG) over his citizenship credentials. In brief, the citizenship number allotted to Sirohiya was previously set aside to one Shivaji Sahu Teli. Sirohiya had obtained citizenship by descent in 1979 and renewed his citizenship card in 2000. The confusion with citizenship numbers and two persons being allotted the same number appears to be an issue of institutional capacity at local administrative units. What was surprising that local authorities jumped the gun and arrived at his offices to arrest in broad daylight instead of serving show cause notice to Sirohiya for explanation and in parallel conducting their own review of files and archives? KMG is one of the leading Media Groups in Nepal. Recent news stories in KMG on irregularities and unlawful gains reportedly made through four cooperatives by Rabi Lamichhane, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Home Affairs may have served as immediate provocation to question Sirohiya’s citizenship. Developments leading to arrest and thereafter national uproar, calls for solidarity with KMG’s Sirohiya and demands to end pressure tactics to prevent free press and freedom of expression hogged headlines. Leading opposition party, Nepali Congress including some of the leaders of the existing coalition condemned use of undue force and pressure by the Government for what seemed like a procedural inquiry and could have followed its due course without having to flex muscle. Coalition Government leaders remained mum to save the government from a free fall. Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal ‘Prachanda’ recently stood for his fourth ‘Vote of Confidence’ in just18 months, three times by swapping coalition partners and once due to break-up in Janata Socialist Party (JSP), the coalition partner in the third time government. Rather than rainbow colours of sectoral development, growth plans and progress, Nepal’s canvas on domestic affairs reflect predominance in dark colors of coalition politics, corruption and vendetta politics, financial irregularities surpassing past numbers due to three-tier political administrative structure. Investment Board of Nepal put in huge efforts to organise a high-level Nepal Investment Summit with over 800 foreign delegates and 2500 domestic leaders. The summit rightly created positive buzz and provided a platform for networking and collaborations. Summit participants were rather unanimous that ‘Emerging Nepal’ is ready for foreign investment. But, one silently noticed that a shiver went down the halls of the Summit in desperate search for domestic political leadership with spine. It is now imperative that the shiver doesn’t end looking for a foreign spine with attractive offers and hidden caveats in between the lines that can end up ruining the economy. Nepal is still sitting with exposure of Chinese defunct aircrafts (which were rejected by Bangladesh but bought by Nepal) and Pokhara Airport Loan. While Chinese leadership stated Pokhara Airport to be part of BRI Project, then Nepali Government clearly stated that

Leadership Policy Security

554

Bharat’s Security Prowess Unsettles West-Centric Global Security Dynamics

Unsubstantiated allegations and politicised narratives not only strain diplomatic ties but also detract from the collaborative efforts needed to combat global terrorism effectively. Rahul PAWA / @imrahulpawa Over the past year, Bharat has found itself at the epicentre of Western allegations, coupled with old friend camaraderie with Pakistani generals accusing Indian officials of undermining the sovereignties of nations by purportedly engaging in the termination of terrorists in Canada, the United States, and Pakistan. This intimidating interest in alleged Indian clandestine security operations, raises pivotal questions about the underlying motives and the broader global dynamics at play. Concurrently, it signals Bharat’s ascendance in the realm of global security as a revitalised and influential force, unsettling the traditional West-centric world order. In an era where the global threat landscape is increasingly complex, global and interconnected, Bharat’s extraordinary criminal justice measures to neutralize terrorists over the past decade—such as the 29 September 2016 surgical strike on terrorist launchpads across the Line of Control in Pakistan Occupied Indian territory of Jammu Kashmir, and the 2019 airstrike on the Jaish-e-Mohammed training camp in Balakot, Pakistan—are particularly significant. Under the leadership of Indian Prime Minister Modi, these operations had shed the ‘outdated and reluctant’ image of Indian security agencies of the past, showcasing new Bharat’s capability and resolve. The operations were conducted with a notable degree of professionalism, responsibility and transparency, as the Indian PM informed Pakistani counterparts prior to disclosing them to the world. These actions not only announced Bharat’s arrival as a formidable security force, but also challenged the traditional West-centric world order. Recent Western allegations, devoid of substantive evidence as seen in opinion heavy reporting of ‘The Guardian’ claiming Bharat’s role in tens of terrorist terminations in Pakistan, a covert unseen Five Eyes network intelligence report regarding the killing of Canadian terrorist Hardeep Singh Nijjar and subsequent local vote-bank influence as evidenced in Canada, along with the case involving alleged attempted assassination of Gurpatwant Singh Pannun, the US-based face of the proscribed terrorist entity SFJ, appear to be part of a broader strategy aimed at exerting collective pressure and undermining Bharat’s assertive stance against terrorism. Bharat which has long been a victim of cross-border terrorism orchestrated by Pakistan and its extensive global terror network, which includes Canadian and American terrorists. Canadian terrorists like Talwinder Singh Parmar of Babbar Khalsa masterminded the 1985 bombing of Air India Flight 182, claiming 329 innocent lives. Similarly, American terrorists like David Coleman Headley and his Canadian accomplice Tahawwur Rana played pivotal roles in the dastardly 2008 Mumbai attacks by Lashkar-e-Taiba, resulting in 175 deaths and over 300 injuries. More recent attacks, such as the 2016 Uri assault by Pakistan-backed Jaish-e-Mohammed, which killed 19 Indian soldiers and injured 30, and the 2019 Pulwama suicide bombing by Jaish-e-Mohammed and Lashkar-e-Taiba, which took the lives of over 40 Indian police personnel, underscore the persistent threat Bharat faces. In this context, Bharat’s measures acknowledged criminal justice measures like listed above to protect itself are not only moral and lawful but also a national security imperative. However, the coordinated western and Pakistani allegations involving unravellings like Nijjar’s assassination in Canada, an attempted assassination of Pannun, and tens of terrorist assassinations in Pakistan appear more fixed at challenging the newfound capabilities of Bharat’s security apparatus under Prime Minister Modi. This stance appears discordant with traditional security superpowers that often perceive national security as their exclusive domain. Most importantly, Bharat’s strategic partnerships with various nations, including those in the West, are built on mutual respect and shared interests. These alliances are grounded in a mutual commitment to promoting global stability, economic development, and security. However, for these relationships to thrive and be truly effective, they must be free from unwarranted accusations and intimidation that can undermine trust and cooperation. Unsubstantiated allegations and politicised narratives not only strain diplomatic ties but also detract from the collaborative efforts needed to combat terrorism effectively. By fostering an environment of mutual trust and respect, Western nations and Bharat can work together to dismantle terrorist networks, prevent radicalisation, and enhance global security. In conclusion, it is imperative that Western nations avoid actions that could be perceived as coercive or dismissive of Bharat’s security concerns. Instead, they should prioritize engagement that is based on equality, respect, and a shared commitment to eradicating terrorism. By doing so, they not only reinforce their alliances with Bharat but also bolster the collective ability to address and overcome the multifaceted challenges posed by terrorism in the 21st century. It is time for the international community to support Bharat’s efforts to create a secure and stable world, acknowledging that a strong and secure Bharat is beneficial for global peace and prosperity. (Author is Director – Research at New Delhi based think tank, Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies)

Election Media

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Brief: Foreign Media, Political Players in Bharat’s Elections

Bharat, a country with 1.4 billion population and over 968.8 million registered voters, is in the midst of largest democratic exercise of franchise in seven phases over two months ending on June 4. In the midst of election fury, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited Bellari, the mining town in the country’s southern state of Karnataka a few days back. Prime Modi made a significant statement relating to foreign propaganda in the elections to Bharat’s Parliament with upper and lower houses. A few were surprised when Modi said, “when the country is progressing rapidly, some countries and some institutions do not like it. There are many people who do not want a strong Bharat. They want the country and its government to be weak so that they can easily make profits. Since 2014, a campaign for cleanliness has been going on in the country’s power corridors. Bharat will progress as a developed nation.” Progressing to become a developed nation is logical extension of high growth trajectory in which Bharat is currently cruising. But, what stands out is Indian Prime Minister’s assertion about the country’s foes that may like to disrupt this organic progression by influencing the electoral process. In a nuanced speech, Prime Minister Modi talked about foreign powers’ false propaganda, interference and attempts at intervention in Bharat’s elections to see a weak and pliable government at helm in New Delhi. (Author Rohan Giri is a journalism graduate from Indian Institute of Mass Communication (IIMC) New Delhi, and a Content Manager at CIHS.)

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