CIHS – Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies

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Analysis: From Siege to Staccato Strikes: 26/11 Mumbai Attack to 10/11 Red Fort Blast

From foreign-directed, 26/11-style mega-operations to low-signature, micro-cell, digitally inspired strikes like 10/11 and the foiled ricin plot, India’s terror landscape has changed. Through community monitoring, hardened cities, quick forensics and sharper intelligence India has reduced incidences significantly. In order to combat terror ecosystems at their root, world must now embrace India’s zero-tolerance policy and modernise international counter-terrorism frameworks.

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Negotiating Identity and Equality: The Intellectual Framework of the UCC Debate in the Assembly

Arun Anand  Bharat commemorates ‘Constitution Day’ on 26 November every year as her Constituent Assembly had adopted the Constitution of the Country on 26 November 1949. It came into force on 26 January 1950. One of the key debates that happened in the Constituent assembly was on Uniform Civil Code. The issue was discussed at length in the Constituent Assembly on 23 November 1948. The discussion was initiated by Muslim members as they moved several amendments to the proposed constitutional provision (Article 35 at that time) which comprised legal directions for having a uniform civil code in the country. Mohammad Ismail, Naziruddin Ahmad, Mahboob Ali Baig Sahib Bahadur, Hussain Imam were some of the members who moved these amendments. Naziruddin Ahmad moved the amendment saying, “That to article 35, the following proviso be added, namely: – ‘Provided that the personal law of any community which has been guaranteed by the statue shall not be changed except with the previous approval of the community ascertained in such manner as the Union Legislature may determine by law’.” Ahmad said, “In moving this, I do not wish to confine my remarks to the inconvenience felt by the Muslim community alone. I would put it on much broader ground. In fact, each community, each religious community has certain religious laws, and certain civil laws inseparably connected with religious beliefs and practices. I believe that in framing a uniform draft code these religious laws or semi-religious laws should be kept out of its way.” Moving another amendment, Mohamad Ismail Sahib, a Muslim member from Madras said: “Sir, I move that the following proviso be added to article 35: “Provided that any group, section or community of people shall not be obliged to give up its own personal law in case it has such a law.” The right of a group or a community of people to follow and adhere to its own personal law is among the fundamental rights and this provision should really be made amongst statutory and justiciable fundamental rights. It is for this reason that I along with other friends have given amendments to certain other articles going previous to this which I will move at the proper time. Now the right to follow personal law is part of the way of life of those people who are following such laws; it is part of their religion and part of their culture. If anything is done affecting the personal laws, it will be tantamount to interference with the way of life of those people who have been observing these laws for generations and ages. This secular State which we are trying to create should not do anything to interfere with the way of life and religion of the people.” The counter argument to all these arguments was presented by Dr BR Ambedkar, KM Munshi and Alladi Krishnaswamy Ayyar. Ambedkar strongly advocated for a Uniform Civil Code for the country as he said, “I think most of my friends who have spoken on this amendment have quite forgotten that up to 1935 the North-West Frontier Province was not subject to the Shariat Law. It followed the Hindu Law in the matter of succession and in other matters, so much so that it was in 1939 that the Central Legislature had to come into the field and to abrogate the application of the Hindu Law to the Muslims of the Northwest Frontier Province and to apply the Shariat Law to them.” He further added, “I quite realise their feelings in the matter, but I think they have read rather too much into article 35, which merely proposes that the State shall endeavour to secure a civil code for the citizens of the country.” Munshi made a very interesting point in the case when he said, “… Look at the disadvantages that you will perpetuate if there is no Civil Code. Take for instance the Hindus. We have the law of Mayukha applying in some parts of India; we have Mithakshara in others; and we have the law-Dayabagha in Bengal. In this way even the Hindus themselves have separate laws and most of our Provinces and States have started making separate Hindu law for themselves. Are we going to permit this piecemeal legislation on the ground that it affects the personal law of the country? It is therefore not merely a question for minorities, but it also affects the majority.” Taking an example from one of the Islamic rulers himself, he further added, “This attitude of mind perpetuated under the British rule, that personal law is part of religion, has been fostered by the British and by British courts. We must, therefore, outgrow it. If I may just remind the honourable Member who spoke last of a particular incident from Fereshta which comes to my mind, Allauddin Khilji made several changes which offended against the Shariat, though he was the first ruler to establish Muslim Sultanate here. The Kazi of Delhi objected to some of his reforms, and his reply was–“I am an ignorant man and I am ruling this country in its best interests. I am sure, looking at my ignorance and my good intentions, the Almighty will forgive me, when he finds that I have not acted according to the Shariat.” If Allauddin could not, much less can a modern government accept the proposition that religious rights cover personal law or several other matters which we have been unfortunately trained to consider as part of our religion.” Speaking in favour of a Uniform Civil Code and opposing the amendments proposed by the Muslim members, “The second objection was that religion was in danger, that communities cannot live in amity if there is to be a uniform civil code. The article actually aims at amity. It does not destroy amity. The idea is that differential systems of inheritance and other matters are some of the factors which contribute to the differences among the different peoples of India. What it aims at is to try to arrive at

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Bharat Cannot Ignore US–Saudi F-35 Security Pact!

Leveraging New Delhi – Riyadh linkages, keeping a hawk’s eye on F-35s integration into Saudi command structures will limit Pakistan’s advantage.N. C. Bipindra Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s visit to Washington DC recently led to one of the most significant defence announcements in recent years. In a move long considered unlikely, United States has agreed to sell the Kingdom its most advanced fighter aircraft, F-35 Lightning II as part of a sweeping new security pact that the White House has described as a “major defence sale package.” This agreement, years in the making, marks a turning point not only in US–Saudi relations but broader strategic environment in West Asia. For United States, the pact is an attempt to re-anchor Saudi Arabia firmly within Western security architecture at a time when shifting allegiances is the norm, growing Chinese influence and an emboldened Iran. For Riyadh, access to F-35 is a long-sought strategic prize, symbolising military modernisation, regional deterrence and closer military interoperability with Washington DC. From Indian perspective, the announcement has raised a deeper question: given Saudi Arabia’s historically close security ties with Pakistan does the sale pose a hidden risk? To understand the implications, it’s essential first to break down what the pact represents. The F-35 is not merely another fighter jet; it is a networked warfare ecosystem. It fuses intelligence, surveillance, reconnaissance and combat capabilities into a single stealth platform unlike anything currently operating in West Asia. For decades, US refused to supply it to any Arab nation to maintain Israel’s qualitative military edge. Washington DC’s readiness to support Riyadh’s acquisition marks a fundamental recalibration of regional power dynamics. There are several reasons behind this shift. United States is seeking to regroup and consolidate its alliances in a region where Iranian influence continues to grow, Russia and China are expanding their diplomatic, economic and technological footprints. Riyadh, under Mohammed bin Salman’s Vision 2030 ambition, is accelerating modernisation of its military, a process that requires sophisticated platforms like the F-35 to replace ageing legacy systems. Although the US–Saudi deal is not formally tied to progress on a Saudi–Israel normalisation track, the agreement undeniably fits into Washington DC’s long-term strategic desire to stabilise West Asia through deeper defence linkages. Yet the debate in India largely hinges on how this deal intersects with Saudi Arabia’s longstanding relationship with Pakistan and recently concluded security cover provided to Islamabad through a separate larger pact. For decades, Pakistan has served as critical military partner for the Kingdom. Pakistani troops have been stationed in Saudi Arabia for training and internal defence duties. Pakistani military professionals have played influential roles in shaping parts of Royal Saudi Land Forces and Saudi–Pakistani security partnership has often overlapped with Riyadh’s financial assistance to Islamabad during economic crises. In Western strategic circles, speculation has long existed that Saudi funding played an indirect role in Pakistan’s nuclear programme. While such assertions remain unproven, they reflect the depth of a relationship shaped by geopolitical, ideological and economic interdependence. This history understandably raises concerns in New Delhi. The question is not whether Pakistan could ever receive F-35 aircraft which seems to be impossible, given its deepening military alignment with China and Washington DC’s absolute unwillingness to risk fifth-generation technology falling into Beijing’s hands. Instead, more realistic concern is whether Pakistan might gain indirect benefits from Saudi Arabia operating such cutting-edge systems. On technology front, the risk of direct leakage is extremely low. The F-35 programme is protected by some of the world’s most stringent encryption, monitoring and access-control protocols. Export versions supplied even to close US allies are deliberately configured with restricted capabilities and the aircraft’s software ecosystem is tightly controlled through remote management systems. No country — not even Israel, UK or Japan — has access to full suite of F-35 source code. The US is unlikely to relax these controls for any West Asian state. Still, Pakistan could indirectly benefit in limited ways. Its officers involved in training exchanges or deployments in Saudi Arabia might gain exposure to modern combat concepts, stealth-related tactical planning or NATO-style mission systems integration. Such exposure does not translate into sensitive technical knowledge, but it could incrementally enhance Islamabad’s understanding of cutting-edge airpower operations. Saudi Arabia’s integration of F-35s into its broader air-defence network could also offer Pakistan a window, however limited, into Western sensor fusion and early warning paradigms. These are marginal tactical advantages, not transformative ones, but they do warrant close Indian observation. Yet the landscape today is markedly different from the era in which Pakistan was Riyadh’s default security partner. Over the past decade, India’s relationship with Saudi Arabia has undergone an unprecedented transformation. The Kingdom now sees New Delhi as a major economic partner, a reliable energy market, rising defence manufacturer and an increasingly influential political actor across Indo-Pacific and West Asia. High-level political engagement between the two nations has intensified, bilateral counterterrorism cooperation is stronger than ever and Saudi investment in India including through the Public Investment Fund, has grown significantly. This shift has not gone unnoticed in Islamabad. While Pakistan once relied on automatic Saudi support, it now faces a more transactional, interest-driven Saudi foreign policy. As Riyadh deepens ties with stronger economies and emerging powers, Pakistan’s leverage has diminished. This means that while Pakistan will remain a partner for Saudi Arabia, it no longer holds the privileged position it once enjoyed. For India, the new US–Saudi pact therefore presents a complex but not necessarily adverse scenario. The deal is a reminder that West Asia’s strategic landscape is rapidly evolving with major powers and regional players recalibrating their roles. India should approach these changes with cautious realism rather than anxiety. The F-35 sale does not pose a direct threat to India’s security, nor does it empower Pakistan in any significant military sense. What it does signal is the need for New Delhi to continue strengthening its presence and partnerships in West Asia. India now has the opportunity to deepen defence cooperation with Saudi Arabia, expand joint training programmes and position its

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Racism Against Indian Americans a Reality!

No letup in steep rise of crimes against Hindus across cities; white supremacists, Christians’ attacks mount, Radical Muslims make merry. CIHS Editorial Team There’s been a notable rise in anti-Hindu sentiment across United States that often manifested as Hinduphobia. This escalation in particular has been starkly manifested since 2023. Hinduphobic incidents include hate crimes, vandalism of Hindu temples, online harassment and broader racism targeting Indian Americans (many of whom are Hindus). As per data compiled by Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), hate crime incidents touched a whopping 11,679 in 2024, a slight dip from 11,862 in 2023. But still, crimes against Hindus doubled from 5,843 incidents reported in 2015.  While anti-Hindu crimes represent a small fraction of total religious hate (behind anti-Jewish and anti-Sikh incidents), they have more than doubled in some periods, with 25 occurrences in 2022 alone compared to prior years. These crimes are no longer isolated or subtle. Rather, they are reflection of broader changes in internal politics in United States, demographic concerns and geopolitical narratives regarding Bharat. Indian Americans have been in focus of greater overt racism, xenophobia and political scapegoating in US last few years, especially in the last few months. Previously coded language has evolved into open animosity in online communities, public places, campuses and political rallies. This trend is not unique; it is connected to global geopolitical narratives about India, demographic concerns, broader changes in American politics. Over last ten years, Indian Americans have been one of the most significant immigrant communities in US. There has been a noticeable increase in racially motivated attacks and targeted political rhetoric in tandem with their growing representation in academia, high technology, commercial sector and government. This analysis examines the causes, trends and ramifications from a strategic and policy-focused standpoint. A disproportionate number of Indian Americans are successful in a range of areas like academics, technology, medicine and finance. Socio-political psychology research demonstrates that when a minority group is viewed as culturally or economically superior, dominant groups frequently display worry. Resentment has grown in some societal groups as a result of growing public success of Bharatiya Americans that led to heightened feelings of displacement and competitiveness. US political spectrum is exerting pressure from two extremes: The ideological differences notwithstanding, convergence of these narratives produce a situation in which Indian Americans are simultaneously delegitimized, othered and made jointly accountable for intricate international issues. Due to its growing strategic and economic prominence, Bharat has now become point of discussion about technology alliances, global governance and Bharat-Pacific security. Bharatiya Americans are increasingly being subjected to anti-Indian prejudice whether it comes from rival geo-political blocks, intellectual groups or foreign propaganda. Regardless of their citizenship or personal ties, Bharatiya diaspora members are assumed to be unofficial representatives of Bharat’s policy or ideological extensions of New Delhi. Indians are frequently harassed because of their ethnic look or supposed faith, as per documented occurrences including racial slurs, assaults and intimidation. These activities frequently combine animosity based on race, faith and geopolitics, demonstrating multifaceted forms of prejudice. In California, a hotspot for such incidents, reported anti-Hindu hate crimes hit a record eight in 2023 including temple desecrations. The state’s “CA vs. Hate” hotline launched in 2023, verified 24 acts of anti-Hindu bias in the first year. About 23 per cent of all faith hate incidents are reported though Hindus comprise a smaller share of the population. Experts attribute this surge to several factors: geopolitical tensions (e.g., India-related issues like Khalistan separatism), online amplification via platforms like X (formerly Twitter), economic grievances tied to H-1B visas (where Indians are primary beneficiaries) and spillover from broader nativism and white supremacist rhetoric. Offline, this has deepened divides within South Asian communities with Hindus reporting conflation of anti-India activism and caste politics as triggers. Advocacy groups like Coalition of Hindus of North America (COHNA) and Hindu American Foundation highlight “double standard” in addressing Hinduphobia. In over an year till November 2025, anti-Hindu attacks often targeted temples and cultural symbols, with graffiti like “Hindus go back” or anti-India slogans linked to pro-Khalistan extremism. Here’s a selection of documented cases: Online, a July–September 2025 analysis found surge in anti-Indian racism on X including xenophobic memes and slurs amplified post-Deepawali, festival of lights. Recent X discussions (e.g., November 16, 2025) highlighted far-right rhetoric like “Go celebrate your foreign gods back home in India. America is a Christian nation.” The rise in hate crimes in California is deepening a divide between Hindus and Sikhs. Coordination of harassment directed at Indian American activists, academics, business owners and public figures occurs via digital media. These campaigns combine: Troll networks, extreme forums and occasionally non-state actors, trying to influence diaspora politics, all contribute to spread of such myths. H1-B criticism morphed into online Hinduphobia and anti-Indian racism. Then city council members and political candidates began calling for mass deportations. Threat Context & Motivation Open targeting of Bharatiya Americans is not considered scattered or fringe hostility but a coherent, expanding white nationalist and Christian nationalist project. Political & Immigration Triggers Recent surge in anti-Indian sentiment has been linked to several high-profile political events: Digital Threat Landscape (Platform X) Platform X has been identified as a significant vector that amplifies anti-Indian or anti-Bharat hate where researchers documented a surge of anti-Indian sentiment over last one year. Verified Accounts: The vast majority of accounts documented promoting this hate were verified (subscribed to X Premium), with 64 out of 85 accounts displaying a blue badge, suggesting that the platform’s paid service amplifies hateful voices. Racist Narratives and Tropes Hate speech against Indian Americans on X often combines generic stereotypes about immigrants with specific tropes targeting Indians. Narrative/Trope Description Demographic Threat/Invasion Positioning Indian immigration as an “invasion” or threat to white nationhood, often linking to the “Great Replacement Theory”. Responses to Diwali greetings told people to “go back home” and insisted, “this is America, we don’t do this”. Cultural Inferiority/Unhygienic Stereotypes depicting Indians as dirty, unhygienic, or culturally backward, often referencing public defecation, cow dung, or cow urine. Posts implying

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Bangladesh at Crossroads, Hasina Stares at Death Sentence

Sham kangaroo court rigs court judgment; Awami League out of democratic contest, puts big question mark on political stability in Dhaka. International Crimes Tribunal has sentenced former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina to death for alleged crimes against humanity linked to the deadly crackdown on anti-government protests in 2024. This has led to a huge escalation of Bangladesh’s ongoing political turmoil. The verdict pronounced under tight security is one of the most important turning points in Dhaka’s modern political history. Hasina, who has been living in exile in India since she lost power, has called the trial politically motivated and the tribunal a “kangaroo court.” She was tried in absentia and raises serious concerns about due process, independence of judiciary, and brings into question credibility of Bangladesh’s democratic institutions. The protests in 2024 which led to the charges were culmination of years of planning by Jameet-e-Islami through its student organization, Islami Chhatra Shibir.  Jamaat that has had never supported separate Bangladesh and accused Hasina led Awami League party of repression and the systematic destruction of political opposition. In mid-2024, Bangladesh experienced nationwide uprising triggered by quota issue. What began as a focused protest against job-quotas for families of those that led the country’s liberation was interpreted by students as evidence of widespread patronage and entrenched systemic inequality, soon morphed into a national movement against Hasina led Awami League government. As protests mounted, campuses became sites of resistance with Islami Chattra Shibir leading protests, mobilizing tens of thousands of people in Dhaka, Chittagong, Rajshahi and elsewhere. Islamists (via student organizations affiliated with Jamaat) and Chinese-backed NGOs and scholars (who studied Bangladesh) seemed to have strategically aligned. Certain student fronts opposed to the government had connections to Chinese scholarship programmes and madrasa networks in Pakistan if one were to go by intelligence networks. This improbable alliance took advantage of popular turmoil, with religious feelings on one side and economic concerns on the other. In essence, Hasina’s secular, pro-India stance was opposed by both Beijing’s power cadres and proxies of Pakistani descent in Bangladesh. By end of July, the issue hit a breaking point when masked students wearing green and red head scarves, colours long linked to Islami Chhatra Shibir (ICS) backed by Pakistan’s Jamaat-e-Islami, took control of open microphones. According to BD News24, the protest narrative shifted from technical reforms to outright regime change as newcomers yelled “Hasina Must Go” and even wartime chant “Pakistan zindabad.” According to Home-Ministry status assessment which was later reprinted in a white paper published in 2024, ICS cadres were “co-ordinating via encrypted chat groups hosted on foreign servers” and had “embedded themselves in at least nine university convening committees.” Due to rampant unrest and a political landscape that was changing in ways that could no longer be reversed, Hasina resigned on August 5, 2024 and fled to India. This was an extraordinary fall for a democratically elected leader who had been in the seat of Bangladeshi politics for more than 15 years. In retrospect, a deft combination of street violence, calculated deception and narrative capture led to overthrow of previous government in Bangladesh. Global rights-media outlets, desperate for a story of young liberation, filtered the carnage through a camera lens that saw only state bullets and never sectarian machetes; China hedged, making sure its projects were compensated; Pakistan lit the match and provided the online accelerant; and the United States, by framing the crisis in purely procedural terms, dragged moral ballast away from a secular government that had prosecuted war-crimes Islamists. Sheikh Hasina’s fifteen-year leadership came to an end in very trying circumstances and Bangladesh entered a period where the loudest slogan, spread by fastest botnet now determines who controls the delta. Anadolu Agency reports that violence that lasted from mid-July to early August 2024 claimed lives of at least 580 people. Hasina’s resignation and appointment of a caretaker government were announced in public by the army head of Bangladesh at the time. On August 8, 2024, Muhammad Yunus, purportedly, a longtime opponent of dictatorship, took office as interim government’s chief adviser. With promises to “restore order,” the transitional cabinet was composed of numerous student leaders and civil society leaders. A caretaker cabinet headed by Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus and supported by the military, within twenty days of taking office promising “inclusive politics”, on 28 August 2024, revoked terrorist label and reinstated Jamaat’s civil liberties and freed more than seventy mid-level organisers. Islamist terrorist groups were more daring as a result of the ideological shift and power vacuum. Weapons were stolen, government facilities were attacked, police stations and government buildings were set on fire. In keeping with previous Jamaat agitation, democratically elected Awami League party offices were fire-bombed and police found leaflets advising peasants to refrain from paying taxes until “pro-India regime falls.” Attacks on liberal bloggers and Hindu temples were reported to be occurring more often in late 2024 and early 2025. According to witnesses, local Islamist insurgents were armed with thousands of small guns that were stolen from police stations amid the commotion. In places like Satkhira and Comilla, Hindu minorities in Bangladesh faced the brunt with reported additional land seizures and forced evictions. Local authorities spoke of a “quiet exodus” as families escaped systematic abuse. Washington moderated its approach after Yunus caretaker government came to power, offering congratulations and election monitoring, but structural problem persisted. Any American presence south of Chittagong would worry Beijing and incite nationalists in Dhaka because Bangladesh is situated on the maritime rung between China’s Belt and Road corridor and the U.S.-India security axis. Critics caution that Bangladesh’s unstable ideological landscape is now affected by China’s omni-directionality. According to local publications in 2022, speakers from the hardline clerical group Hefazat-e-Islam shared dais alongside Chinese officials at an interfaith dialogue co-sponsored by a Confucius-funded cultural center in Chattogram. Security experts see a hedge in Beijing’s denial of meddling in domestic affairs; training both secular technocrats and Islamist activists guarantees that, in the event Awami League collapses, as it did in

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Sunshine in Human lives!

Chinmaya Mission’s contribution to spiritual awakening, emancipation, selfless service and compassionate development in 75 years stands out! Editorial Team, Chinmaya Mission, New Delhi As Chinmaya Mission rings in seventy-five years of dedicated service and spiritual awakening, it stands as living testament to timeless ideals and eternal wisdom of Hinduism. What began in 1951 with Pujya Gurudev Swami Chinmayananda has grown into a global movement with over 350 centres uniting seekers through knowledge, devotion and selfless service. Hinduism in trying times Hinduism rests on divinity that pervades all existence.  The mission’s goal is to work towards inner transformation in human beings, to realize the infinite self within. This vision naturally extends to how we see the world around us: not as divided by boundaries or differences but as one big, interconnected family, Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam. Swami Chinmayananda’s mission was to rekindle this living faith, encapsulated in the Mission’s guiding statement: “To provide individuals, from any background, the wisdom of Vedanta and the practical means for spiritual growth and happiness, thereby enabling them to become positive contributors to society.” Through his dynamic Jnana Yajnas in English, he unfolded Upanishads and Bhagavad Gita for modern minds, making Vedanta accessible to all. This revival of scriptural learning became renaissance of Hinduism. Pujya Gurudev reintroduced Guru – parampara – sacred lineage of teacher and student relationship in pursuit of truth. Grooming Teachers The mission’s spiritual training is centered on Sandeepany Sadhanalayas that conduct two-year residential Vedanta Courses in English, Hindi and other languages. Here, young brahmacharins – celibate scholars live the life of seekers – studying scriptures, meditation and serve in the Guru’s presence. These Sandeepanys ensure that flame of Sanatana Dharma, righteous living based on values, continue to guide and inspire generations. Education Illuminates In Hinduism, vidya (education) is illumination, not information. To turn education into a journey of awakening, Pujya Gurudev founded Chinmaya Vidyalayas. Over 80 such schools blend academic excellence with value-based education. Among them, Chinmaya International Residential School (CIRS) in Coimbatore has earned global recognition for seamlessly integrating academic rigour with holistic education rooted in Indian culture. Carrying forward this vision is Chinmaya Vishwa Vidyapeetha (Chinmaya University) that bridges India’s spiritual heritage with contemporary scholarship. Its programmes in Vedanta, Sanskrit, psychology and Indian Knowledge Systems train scholars who live and share Hinduism’s wisdom in modern life. Chinmaya International Foundation (CIF) set up at Adi Sankara’s maternal home in Kerala integrates ancient and modern, preserving scriptural knowledge through research, publication and online learning. Nurturing at each stage True to Sanatana Dharma’s inclusiveness, Chinmaya Mission nurtures individuals from every age group through programmes that transform learning into living. From Shishu Vihars that introduce toddlers to love and prayer, Bala Vihars that cultivate value-based living in children to Chinmaya Yuva Kendra (CHYK) and Yuva Veers that empower youth to live Vedanta dynamically. The mission believes that each stage of life is guided towards outer excellence and inner growth. Adults and seniors find spiritual enrichment through Study Groups, Swaranjali and Vanaprastha Sansthans while Bhagavad Gita chanting competitions and spiritual camps connect seekers across generations and continents. Swara to Ishwara In Hinduism, art is not merely entertainment, but sadhana. Reflecting this, Chinmaya Naada Bindu, the mission’s performing-arts academy at Chinmaya Vibhooti near Pune, celebrates Naada Brahman, the divine as sound. Through classical music, dance and theatre, artists turn creativity into worship and beauty into devotion. Leadership & Legacy After Swami Chinmayananda attained Mahasamadhi in 1993, his immediate successor, Pujya Guruji Swami Tejomayananda carried forward the mission. Under his leadership, the mission expanded its educational, cultural and humanitarian wings while deepening its spiritual foundation. A scholar, poet, singer and devotee, Pujya Guruji is cherished for moving bhajans, discourses on Ramcharitmanas and Shrimad Bhagavatam. Today, under guidance of Pujya Swami Swaroopananda, the mission is embracing new media and learning platforms, carrying Gurudev’s teachings into a rapidly changing world. His popular “Make It Happen” course empowers youngsters to discover purpose, self-discipline and inner strength. Knowledge, Devotion & Service Chinmaya Mission exemplifies Hinduism in action, where Jnana (knowledge), Bhakti (devotion) and Karma (service) come together in harmony. Through CORD (Chinmaya Organization for Rural Development) and numerous community projects, the mission empowers rural families, women and children, translating Vedanta into compassionate living. Landmark Event The Mission will hold a landmark event commemorating its 75th anniversary with tagline, “Dilli गाओ Jai Hanuman,” an offering of devotion through collective Hanuman Chalisa Chanting at Yashobhoomi, Dwarka, Delhi, on January 11, 2026. Light That Shines As Chinmaya Mission marks seventy-five luminous years, its story is not measured by number of centres built but by hearts that were illumined, minds awakened and lives uplifted. Flames kindled by Swami Chinmayananda burn brighter than ever before – a flame of knowledge, love and service. It glows radiantly at homes, in hearts, classrooms and temples through songs and silent meditation – ever guided by the Mission’s motto: “To give maximum happiness to maximum number for maximum time.” As it embarks on onward journey, the mission continues to resound with eternal prayer: “Tamaso ma jyotir gamaya – Lead us from darkness to light.”

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Pakistan at Crossroads: 27th Amendment and Vanishing Republic

Arun Anand When a state alters the rules that govern it, the transformation can arrive with force—or with formality. Pakistan’s 27th Amendment represents the latter: a political restructuring that wields the authority of a coup but cloaks it in legality. Rather than suspending the constitution or dissolving parliament, it reshapes the constitution from within, erasing previous checks on military power. That distinction is crucial—one disrupts the system; the other remakes it. At the heart of this recalibration stands Asim Munir. His promotion to Field Marshal and the proposed establishment of a Chief of Defence Forces position do more than elevate his career—they institutionalize what was long an informal dominance. Unlike Ayub, Zia, or Musharraf, who ruled by toppling constitutions, today’s strategy seeks to embed military supremacy within the constitutional framework itself—ensuring that, in the future, the army can govern without the need to overthrow. The change is deceptively small in language and vast in consequence. Replace one title with another; place all services under a single command; harden immunities around senior officers; tweak judicial mechanisms so the courts have less room to operate free of executive pressure. Each clause reads like technocratic housekeeping. Taken together, they create a new architecture: an army whose institutional primacy is not merely tolerated but constitutionally protected. That is legal militarism rather than extra-legal rule. This is not an academic quarrel over drafting. It is a political settlement about who counts as the ultimate arbiter of public affairs. Under the old ambiguity, civilian leaders could plausibly claim the last word, even while the military shaped the range of choices behind the scenes. The amendment seeks to collapse that ambiguity in one direction. Why would civilian parties, visibly weakened and electorally vulnerable at times, agree to such a reconfiguration? The motives are painfully direct. Pakistan’s political class operates in a narrow corridor: economic collapse, fragmented coalitions, a restive opposition, and a media space that oscillates between sensationalism and censorship. Under these pressures, cohabitation with the military promises immediate stability. It keeps riots at bay, opens channels to patronage, and provides a shield against judicial harassment or street mobilisation. Short-term survival, in other words, is a powerful incentive. Yet political survival bought by reliance on the barracks is a pyrrhic achievement. Civilian parties have historically gained legitimacy by standing up to military overreach. Opposition to the establishment, even when risky, has often been the most reliable source of political capital. When a leader defies the generals and survives, that defiance becomes a badge of authenticity. By contrast, parties that appear to defend or normalise the military’s dominance surrender the claim to be an alternative. They transform from contesting forces into managers within a narrower, military-shaped consensus. This is the arithmetic of erosion. Short-term gains for the party in power can lead to long-term erosion of its moral and political standing. Consent, in this context, is not neutrality; it is a transfer of legitimacy. A constitution stamped by the military’s imprimatur becomes less a shield of pluralism than a vehicle for managed politics. Democracies do not die in dramatic moments alone; they wither when the forms of democracy remain but their essence, the capacity of political actors to challenge and to be challenged on equal footing, is hollowed out. Those who enable this constitutional realignment may imagine that they will keep the benefits: stability, access to resources, and the ability to govern without constant confrontation. But history is unsparing about such bargains. Iskander Mirza appointed Ayub and found himself dispossessed within days. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, who navigated the generals’ world, was later tried and executed under military rule. Nawaz Sharif’s flirtation with the military ended in exile. Power that is lent by a stronger institution is rarely returned intact. The amendment also alters the foundation upon which other institutions stand. The judiciary, already a site of contestation, risks becoming a subsidiary player if a new constitutional forum strips the Supreme Court of powers or if transfer mechanisms for judges are altered to reduce their independence. Provinces that won space under the 18th Amendment see their gains threatened if federal competencies are recentralised or if finances are reconstituted in ways that favour central control. The fragmentation of federal bargains bolsters local grievances, and these grievances become fuel for instability, precisely the outcome the army claims to preempt. There is a particular irony to the present moment that is worth stressing. Civilian politicians once drew their energy from popular resistance to an overbearing establishment. That very act of resistance could convert electoral weakness into credible leadership. Today, however, many politicians choose acquiescence because the immediate costs of resistance, jail, economic disruption, and the threat of engineered crises look intolerable. They trade a precarious moral authority for a steady foothold in the office. The problem is that this lease rarely extends beyond the lifetime of a political cycle, and its renewal depends on the goodwill of the institution whose favour they bought. And yet the public mood complicates any neat diagnosis of decline. Ordinary Pakistanis are weary; years of economic pain and political turbulence have dulled their appetite for dramatic confrontation. Some will welcome the promise of order; others will shrug their shoulders. That fatigue provides the ideal conditions for legalised domination: the population tolerates constraint for the promise of relief. But tolerance is not acquiescence; it is the brittle glue that holds an unstable settlement together until it snaps. When Munir leaves the scene, and he will, as all men do, the institution he helped constitutionalise will remain. The following chief benefits from a script rewritten to favour the uniform, drawing authority from not just force but law. Undoing that script will require more than an election or a public outcry; it will demand a sustained political project that reconstructs constitutional checks, reenergises provincial autonomy, and restores judicial independence. That project is possible but arduous; it requires actors willing to risk more than a short-term office. History’s lesson is stark: military dominance dressed as legality is harder to overthrow

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India Stopped an ISIS-K Bio-Terror Plot the World Needs to Talk About

An ISIS-K bio-terror attack that could have killed over a hundred thousand people was just stopped in India. Why isn’t the world talking about it? Rahul PAWA In a world saturated with headlines of conflict and calamity, an extraordinary victory against terrorism has gone almost unnoticed beyond specialist circles. Indian authorities quietly dismantled a bio-terror plot so chilling in ambition that its success would have rewritten the story of global security. Just days ago, India’s Gujarat Anti-Terrorism Squad (ATS) dismantled an Islamic State Khorasan Province (ISIS-K) cell, the South Asian affiliate of the Islamic State preparing to unleash a mass biological terrorist attack. At its core lay ricin, a toxin so lethally efficient, one of the deadliest known toxins, derived from something as ordinary as the castor bean. It was a scheme as simple as it was monstrous, poisoning the essentials of life itself, and it was stopped just in time. Its story came to light with an arrest that barely drew notice. Acting on specific intelligence, Gujarat ATS arrested Dr Ahmed Mohiyuddin Saiyed, a China-educated MBBS graduate, in Ahmedabad for his links to ISIS-K. Investigators say he had been extracting ricin from castor oil, four litres of which were recovered from his possession and had already procured laboratory equipment and begun initial chemical processing when officers arrested him.  According to police sources, his plan was as insidious as it was horrific: to poison public drinking water supplies and even food (prasad) at Hindu temples, thereby silently killing masses of civilians. Officials estimate the plotters intended to kill “scores of people” and were aiming for catastrophic casualties. In worst-case scenarios, analysts have speculated that hundreds of thousands of lives might have been at risk, had a major water reservoir or a large temple gathering been successfully poisoned. The ambitious reach of this foiled plot underlines why it deserves far more international attention. This was not a lone wolf or a fringe fanatic acting in isolation; it appears to have been coordinated by ISIS-K, working through educated operatives. Dr. Saiyed’s handler, Abu Khadija, was an Afghanistan-based terrorist associated with ISIS-Khorasan, and he potentially arranged arms deliveries for the cell via drones crossing the Pakistan border. Saiyed did not act alone. Two other accomplices, 20-year-old Azad Suleman Sheikh and 23-year-old Mohammad Suhail from Uttar Pradesh, India’s northern state were arrested alongside him. These men had spent the last year conducting reconnaissance on potential targets across India, scoping out crowded public places where a poison attack could yield maximum chaos. Among the locations they surveilled were Asia’s largest wholesale produce market in Delhi (Azadpur Mandi), a bustling fruit market in Ahmedabad, and even the headquarters of RSS, a prominent social organisation in Lucknow. The chosen targets, places of food, water, community life, speak volumes about the terrorist’s cruel intent to strike at the very heart of ordinary society. By targeting temple prasad (food offered to Hindu devotees) and municipal water, they aimed to turn sustenance into a weapon. The depravity is chilling. Ricin itself is a nightmare agent. Tasteless and deadly, it is classified as a Category B bioterrorism agent under the Chemical Weapons Convention. A dose of a few milligrams can kill an adult if delivered effectively, and there is no antidote. Notably, ricin is not a typical weapon in the terrorist arsenal. it has surfaced mostly in fringe plots and isolated incidents (such as poisoned letters addressed to U.S. Presidents Barack Obama and Donald Trump in past years), but never before at this scale. The rarity of ricin attacks is partly why this plot is so alarming: intelligence agencies warn that ISIS and its affiliates have been actively discussing bio-terror tactics in encrypted chats, marking a strategic shift towards unconventional methods. In other words, the very fact that jihadist groups are exploring bioweapons is a worrisome evolution of terror. Unlike bombs or guns, a biological or chemical attack can sow panic far beyond the immediate victims. It contaminates the basic trust we place in our communal resources. As one counter-terror official noted, poisoning a city’s water or food supply would not only kill people but “wreak havoc in the minds of the people”, inflicting psychological trauma on society at large. Had the ricin plot succeeded, it could have easily been one of the deadliest terror attacks in modern history, a silent mass murder stretching over days or weeks as poisoning victims fell ill, and an entire populace plunged into fear. Thankfully, that nightmare never came to pass. Indian security forces acted on a tip and caught the plotters red-handed, seizing their cache of castor oil, weapons (including imported semi-automatic pistols), and digital evidence of their plans. The swift operation, coordinated by Gujarat ATS with central intelligence support, likely saved countless lives. It was, in effect, a major victory in the global fight against terrorism. Yet outside of India, this triumph registered barely a blip. Global media outlets that routinely headline terror incidents offered only cursory reports, if any, on India’s ricin plot bust. Why? One reason may be that success stories simply garner less attention, when disaster is prevented, there are no dramatic visuals of carnage to propel 24/7 news coverage. A bomb that didn’t go off is often a footnote, while a bomb that explodes is breaking news. This asymmetry in coverage creates a perverse situation where we pay more heed to terrorist violence than to vigilance that averts violence. There is also an uncomfortable truth about geographic bias. Had a quarter-million people in a Western city been in danger from a foiled bio-attack, one suspects it would dominate international headlines and talk shows. But when such a plot is foiled in India, it struggles to capture the world’s imagination. This is despite the fact that ISIS’s operations in South Asia are very much a global concern, the ISIS-K module behind the ricin plot has ties spanning Afghanistan and Pakistan, and reflects the same menace that threatens cities from London to New York. Indeed, an Indian investigation report recently

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Get Economic Governance Model right!

Taking off from Bihar debate, centre has to balance welfare pitch with sustainable development, reverse migration & make prosperity inclusive K.A. Badarinath Two simultaneous developments have had happened. Both these, though unconnected, have a linkage of sorts. Our most vibrant state, Bihar has gone to polls and a new government will be in place few days from now. On the other end, finance minister Nirmala Sitharaman has begun a mammoth exercise to present her next federal budget on February 1, 2026. One could be wondering as to what’s the linkage between the two albeit even indirectly. This budget will have to put together a new model for socio-economic development taking on board political freebies that are promised in state legislative assembly elections or Lok Sabha polls. Freebies, Revdies & Social welfare Not many socio-economic analysts or thinkers would support the idea of a welfare state in a globally inter-connected world of markets, investments and trade that’s fiercely competitive. Ahead of state elections, Nitish Kumar led BJP – JDU alliance with splinter parties in tow announced two big projects. Through Mukhya Mantri Mahila Rojgar Yojana (MMRY), Rs 10,000 was given to each of 1.5 crore women through direct benefits transfer (DBT). About 1.1 crore elderly women, widows and disabled were given enhanced pension of Rs 1100 from earlier Rs 400 per month. The two schemes alone added an extra outgo of Rs 14240 crore that constitute about six per cent of total revenue expenses of Rs 252,000 crore for 2025-26. Over and above, BJP – JDU led National Democratic Alliance has promised free power, water supply, one crore jobs, higher support to farmers etc in its bid to return with a thumping mandate. Some bracket these freebies as tools for socio-economic empowerment while others call them ‘Revdis’ or vote doles’, the sweet snack made out of sesame seeds and jiggery. Well, the debate is not about direct benefit transfers which have been refined by Narendra Modi government as surest way of reaching benefits to the needy, eliminate inefficiency and pilferage of funds. Larger question is what’s the sustainable model of economic governance that Bharat should adopt to expand, deepen her growth story and spread prosperity? Cash doles can at best act as booster dose for economic empowerment on temporary basis but unsustainable in the long run as experienced in several states including Karnataka, Himachal Pradesh and now Madhya Pradesh and Maharastra. Skilling and competencies, creating work opportunities for goods and services, low-cost credit support to making large chunk capital investments that create jobs may be sustainable. No two economists agree on either of the models for development. A blend of these two approaches may be workable in the medium to long term. Taking Bihar as latest to join the bandwagon of states on the cusp of economic development, Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman would do well in providing clarity on approach to economic development. For several years, NDA, BJP and Prime Minister Narendra Modi resisted temptation of going populist through their campaigns in states and centre. But, competitive populism practiced by its political rivals has pushed NDA to rethink on ‘freebies’ or cash doles as a ‘winning formula’ and ‘economic empowerment’ tool. Both, Karnataka and Himachal Pradesh states have been pushed into economic chaos or deep debt burden by respective Congress governments that promised the moon in their political campaigns drawing inspiration from Aam Admi Party’s manifestos in Punjab and Delhi. Therefore, big question to be addressed by finance minister Sitharaman was salience of freebies. Mirgration & Economic Empowerment Both NDA and opposition parties led Maha ghatbandan have made huge promises on jobs to win votes in Bihar. One crore jobs have been promised by NDA and one government job in each Bihar family is what Rashtriya Janata Dal has promised. Jobs creation, investments and migration have direct and intricate linkages in Bihar and elsewhere. As per New Delhi based Institute for Human Development, over 65 per cent households in Bihar cutting across caste lines have at least one migrant each. Their remittances constitute at least 50 per cent of a household’s income. Outward migration from Bihar tripled rural wages centred in construction and agriculture sectors. The data suggests manufacturing employs a measly five per cent people. It’s near impossible to provide jobs to growing youth population. As per the institute, in 2025, 12.8 lakh youngsters completed secondary school education and over 27 per cent of state’s population was aged below 15 years. For different states, these numbers may differ. But still, youngsters below 15-years age would constitute a whopping 15.6 per cent of total population in Bharat. Creating opportunities in manufacturing, services and agriculture apart from exports from rural India is relatively more sustainable to tackle migration. A comprehensive survey on opportunities, jobs, industry, agriculture and exports in each state should dictate our policy priorities. Sridhar Vembu of Zoho Corporation has demonstrated that he could lead a global corporation even while being in a remote Tamil Nadu village. Remote working by professionals across sectors has allowed them to move out of cities while they discharged job related tasks. Huge network of roads, rail, ports, airports infrastructure, data and telecom connectivity in semi-urban and rural areas should come handy in formulating a policy against migration. First step will be to stop this migration out of villages. Secondly, reversing the migration back to villages and finally reversing brain drain from the country should be an economic priority. Re-modelling our economic development paradigm with migration at centrality of policy making should be attempted. Ultimately, economic growth should be sustainable in long run, translate into prosperity for last man standing in the spirit of Antyodaya, make welfare and opportunities inclusive while expanding global linkages. Getting the economic governance model right is the challenge. (Author is Director & Chief Executive of New Delhi based non-partisan think tank, Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies)

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Mayor Mamdani: Socialist agenda in Capitalist New York

India-Focused Rhetoric Risks Splitting New York’s Diaspora, Straining US-India Ties and Fueling Political Firestorms N. C. Bipindra Zohran Mamdani’s victory marks a striking moment in New York politics: a young, Muslim, democratic socialist, son of filmmaker Mira Nair and Mahmood Mamdani, will lead US largest city at a time of heightened identity politics and global polarization. His biography helps explain ferocity of the debate around him. It’s his stance on India-related issues, Kashmir, Palestine, criticism of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and pointed public comments about Gujarat that has transformed what might otherwise be a municipal governance story into a transnational political flashpoint. This is not just about ideology; it is about how rhetoric issued from City Hall can fracture diaspora coalitions, complicate diplomatic ties and provide political fodder for opponents at home and abroad. Mamdani’s critics, ranging from conservative commentators to influential diaspora organizations argue that some of his statements are one-sided, factually shaky and politically inflammatory. Misinformation on Gujarat Row over his remarks about Muslims in Gujarat is instructive. Opponents in India and beyond called out a claim he made suggesting a dramatic demographic or social shift in Gujarat’s Muslim population; fact-checkers and Indian commentators quickly disputed that account, saying it mis-states census data and on-ground socio-economic diversity of Muslims in the state. Whether these were careless rhetorical flourishes or substantive errors, they gave immediate ammunition to critics who charge Mamdani with repeating misleading narratives about India. No Sympathy for Israelis, Kashmiri Pandits On Palestine and Kashmir, Mamdani’s record reflects unmistakable activism. His vocal support for Palestinian rights, his positions on settlement funding and public statements criticising Modi government’s purported human rights record have resonated with some New Yorkers particularly youngsters and left leaning advocacy networks. But these positions have alarmed others. Jewish social groups and centrist constituencies have warned that his rhetoric can blur lines between legitimate criticism of Israeli policy and statements that some interpret as insufficiently condemnatory of extremist violence; that perception has hardened a political fault line in a city with world’s largest Jewish population outside Israel. Jewish Reactions to Mamdani Several mainstream Jewish organizations issued cautious, measured statements after the election, underscoring their vigilance about anti-semitism while also acknowledging internal divisions over Israel policy – a reflection of broader tension Mamdani now inherits. Importantly, most stinging critiques do not simply target Mamdani’s policy preferences; they attack his credibility. Opponents say his India-related assertions sometimes rely on sweeping narratives rather than granular, verifiable evidence. In public fora and on social media, detractors frame those statements as kind of moralising shorthand that, in a globalised information environment, can be magnified into misinformation or selective history-telling. Indian Americans Call Him Biased For New York’s diverse South Asian community that encompasses people with attachment to India, Pakistan, Bangladesh and beyond: such simplifications risk alienating those who do not see their lived realities reflected in Mamdani’s public claims. The result is a fractured coalition: socialist base that propelled him to victory and diaspora groups who feel caricatured or dismissed. Another dimension is geopolitical optics. Mayors generally have limited formal capacity to change US foreign policy, but New York’s Mayor remains a global figure whose words carry diplomatic weight. Misinformation as a Weapon Critics warn that incendiary or ill-substantiated claims about India could complicate US–India municipal and cultural ties, from sister-city arrangements to trade and philanthropy, and could be seized upon by political actors in New Delhi eager to paint American democrats as biased or hostile. That risk is magnified because India has a politically active and often transnational diaspora that reacts swiftly to public statements by prominent figures; controversy can therefore ripple back to New Delhi and become a bilateral talking point. Indian American community in New York has sharply criticised his comments on India, as “bigotry and bias” against Indian communities, and called him “divisive, discriminatory, and unbecoming.” Fanning Domestic Polarisation Domestically, Mamdani’s India-focused controversies also feed a very immediate vulnerability: nationalised political polarisation. President Donald Trump and conservative pundits have already shaped a narrative casting Mamdani as dangerously radical, a framing Trump used in the campaign to argue that federal funds should be withheld should Mamdani assume office. That nationalisation of a municipal election transforms local disputes over housing and transit into existential fights over patriotism, security and cultural loyalty. In a hyper-partisan media environment, claims about “misinformation” on issues like Gujarat riots or about Pakistan/India politics can be weaponised to de-legitimize policy initiatives, no matter how pragmatic their intent. Keeping Governance Promises Policy implications matter. If Mamdani wants to deliver on his agenda, rent stabilisation, transit relief, childcare expansion, he must secure broad administrative cooperation, funding and buy-in from constituencies that feel threatened by his rhetoric. That requires the kind of political translation that sanctified rhetoric rarely achieves: careful, evidence-based communication; clear sourcing for claims about international events; and consistent, unequivocal condemnations of violence and extremism coupled with nuanced critiques of state policies. Failing that, even feasible policies will be cast through the prism of identity and foreign-policy controversy, making compromise harder and governance costlier. Gujarati Muslim Father, Punjabi Hindu Mother There is, however, an opening: Mamdani’s background and family story provide him with a platform to reframe the debate. His parents’ Indian origins, public intellectualism, and filmmaking sensibility give him rhetorical gifts that could be used to de-escalate rather than inflame. By commissioning independent fact-finding on contested claims, clarifying past statements and engaging directly with South Asian and Jewish community leaders not as adversaries but as partners in city governance, he could shift the narrative from cultural combat to municipal competence. That won’t please hardliners on either side, but it could blunt attacks that center on his credibility rather than his policies. Fueling Identity Politics Finally, case of Zohran Mamdani is a cautionary tale about modern urban leadership: global identity politics are now inseparable from municipal governance. Mayors must navigate local service delivery while managing transnational reputations and diaspora sensibilities. For Mamdani, pragmatic path is clear even if politically costly: root his public statements

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