Indo-Russian summit strengthened special & privileged strategic partnership. India offers to play role of a peacenik in Ukraine conflict
Dr. Punit Gaur
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s two day visit to Russia has been watched keenly across world capitals. Especially so, given that it is the first bilateral engagement of Modi in his third term and it coincided with North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) summit in Washington DC.
Modi’s Russia visit to participate in the twenty second annual summit of India and Russia invited sharp reactions from Indian allies and foes alike. From US, European Union to Ukraine, there were comments on what Prime Minister Modi should be doing in Moscow.
The Moscow summit is a first after President Vladimir Putin’s visit to New Delhi in 2021 and this engagement has come in the backdrop of ongoing conflict on East European front with Ukraine. Perhaps, global leaders expected serious talks between Modi and Putin that paved for a swift and organic end to the bloody conflict in Ukraine.
To their great comfort, Prime Minister Modi did not let them down, Modi made serious attempts to counsel and convince President Putin that peace in the region was not possible with blood on hands. At the same time, Modi played a balancing act not to annoy his host in Moscow who spent most of the two days with Indian Prime Minister.
On its part, Keiv expressed its disappointment on Modi’s visit to Moscow though President Zelensky is fully aware of Bharat’s position vis-à-vis Russia. Resilience in relations between the two partners who have evolved relations despite challenges may not have missed Zelensky while stating the obvious on Modi’s Moscow visit. Even White House and European Union may have known the inseparable strategic relations between Bharat and Russia.
Several firsts marked Prime Minister Modi’s visit to Moscow. The milestones crossed during the visit underscore profound significance attached to this bilateral engagement. Russia’s highest state decoration, the Order of St Andrew was bestowed on Modi that may not go well with India bashers. This award signifies PM Modi’s efforts to cultivate bilateral relations between India and Russia.
In 2000, India took the initiative to commence the cycle of annual summits between two countries at highest level. The tradition of having structured high-level discussions has been easily recognized by both sides as a way to take the bilateral relations to next level each time.
India-Russia trade has seen an unprecedented surge to more than US $ 65 billion in 2022 owing to diverse products and services and there’s no denying the fact that energy constitute a big chunk of this bilateral transactions. India’s continued oil and gas dealings with Moscow have not gone well with the Western powers. US $ 100 billion bilateral trade targeted in six years during Modi’s visit is yet again a milestone that can be easily achieved.
In recent years, Russia’s Far East and Arctic have drawn India’s attention as possible strategic investment sites. Though national currencies account for 60 per cent trade between India and Russia, the urgency for quicker and more real-time settlement of transactions is growing, especially in backdrop of Russia that got delinked from SWIFT ecosystem.
Ignoring the unilateral sanctions on Russia and threats from US, India has not only maintained but strengthened its diplomatic and commercial ties with Moscow. These ties fraught with challenges and underscores the need for more diversified trade. Additionally, India has increased military collaboration with Russia announcing plans to work together on weapon manufacture, joint deployment of troops, vessels and fighter jets and access to military installations.
India and Russia call on visa-free travel would significantly boost tourism and people-to-people connectivity. The move to allow students and visitors to use national currency, clearances for MiR cards in India and RuPay cards in Russia is again a significant first. The proposal to open two more consulates in Russia underlines the importance of economic and cultural ties and holds the potential for further economic growth.
Bharat’s decision to go ahead with ‘strategic autonomy’ on multilateral issues is what most allies have been trying to come to terms with. When Modi and Putin spoke at Uzbekistan in 2022 during Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) conference, he reportedly told the Russian president, “This is not the time for war.” This stance was reiterated during Modi’s Moscow visit while amplifying Bharat’s policy framework.
India adopted an autonomous neutral stance regarding Ukraine and did not sign a joint communiqué at the Switzerland Summit last insisting on conditions for participation of all parties including Russia for lasting peace. Upholding UN Charter’s tenets, especially concerning value of preserving national sovereignty and territorial integrity was also insisted upon in Switzerland as well as Russia now.
India firmly rejected the idea of using force to settle disputes. Peaceful negotiation and diplomacy are the most critical approaches for all disputes and this position reflected in Modi’s engagement with Russia. One significant development is Bharat’s willingness and commitment to offer a platform and play the role of a mediator for the peace process has again come to fore. At the same time, Bharat has emphasized that Russia should guarantee safety and repatriation of its citizens who are employed by Russian military ever since the conflict between Russia and Ukraine began. President Putin’s ready agreement on this request is a significant take away from Moscow.
Russia seeks to create a multipolar world order and India vying for for a key role among Global South countries regard one another as crucial political allies. Russia continues to be an essential supplier of weapons, energy and space technology, all of which India views as necessary for its transition to become a major developed country by 2047. Modi’s trip to Russia not only demonstrates New Delhi’s intention to grow ties with Russia but underscores the potential for significant mutual benefits and the importance of India’s strategic autonomy.
(Author is a Research Fellow at Indian Council of World Affairs with focus on Eurasia)