CIHS – Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies

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Bias or Blind Spot?

Freedom House’s Western Biases, Methodological Flaws & Lack of Understanding of India’s Democratic Realities  N. C. Bipindra American think tank Freedom House’s latest 2026 annual report rates India as “Partly Free” with a score of 62 on maximum 100 points. This has once again triggered a debate on how global democracy indexes assess nations, particularly large and complex ones like India. The report posits India within the broader narrative that Freedom House is building off twenty-year global decline in freedoms. A closer look at the assessment shows that Freedom House conclusions rest on methodological limitations, normative biases and insufficient contextualisation of India’s democratic ecosystem. The Freedom House’s methodological framing aggregates diverse indicators such as political rights, civil liberties, media freedom and minority protection into a single numerical score. While Freedom House may be targeting simplicity while quantifying the complex study, this clearly risks obscuring the immense heterogeneity of India’s federal structure. India’s governance standards, political competition and civil liberties vary significantly in different states and the entire nation is not universally governed by one single political formation or a uniform demographic composition. India is not a monolithic political entity but a vast and layered democracy of over 1.4 billion people. Reducing its democratic health to a single number inevitably leads to analytical compression or deviations where localised or episodic concerns are interpreted as systemic decline. Moreover, critics have long argued that Freedom House’s framework reflects a Western and liberal template of democracy, shaped by political and historical experience of United States and Europe. This raises questions about whether the same benchmarks can be uniformly applied to societies grappling with different challenges, including post-colonial state-building, socio-economic inequality and persistent security threats. In India’s case, the need to balance civil liberties with national security concerns, particularly in the context of cross-border terrorism and internal insurgencies, complicates any straightforward classification. The report’s broader claim of a continuous global decline in freedom over two decades also warrants scrutiny. While there is no denying the rise of authoritarian tendencies in certain regions, such a sweeping narrative risks over-generalisation. It tends to overlook democratic resilience in parts of the Global South and conflates governance challenges with democratic backsliding. In India, visible tensions within the political system may, in fact, reflect democratic contestation rather than erosion. A noisy, conflict-ridden public sphere is not necessarily evidence of authoritarianism; it can also indicate a system where competing interests continue to be negotiated in the open. One of the central concerns raised by the report is the alleged harassment of journalists, civil society organisations and political opponents. While individual cases and controversies undoubtedly exist, it is important to situate them within the broader landscape of Indian public life. India hosts one of world’s most expansive and diverse media ecosystems, spanning print, television and digital platforms. Critical reporting on government policies is widespread and investigative journalism continues to shape public discourse. Legal actions against media entities or non-governmental organisations are often framed in the report as politically motivated. But in many instances, they are rooted in regulatory compliance issues, particularly concerning financial transparency and foreign funding norms. The distinction between the enforcement of law and the suppression of dissent is crucial and often blurred in external assessments. Similarly, the claim that political opposition is under systematic pressure must be weighed against empirical realities. Opposition parties continue to win elections at the state level, govern key regions and mount significant electoral and political challenges. The regularity of elections, high voter turnout and peaceful transitions of power underscore the continued vitality of India’s democratic framework. Institutions such as the Election Commission of India play a central role in ensuring electoral integrity and despite criticisms, they remain broadly functional and credible. All criticisms of India’s Election Commission haven’t stood judicial scrutiny in the last decade. This goes on to prove that the poll body’s institutional functioning met quality standards in consonance with the constitutional framework and election laws. The report’s emphasis on the marginalisation of minority communities, including Muslims, Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, touches upon a deeply important issue. However, it is essential to distinguish between structural socio-economic inequalities and deliberate state-led democratic regression. India’s social fabric has long been shaped by hierarchies and disparities that predate contemporary political developments. Successive governments have implemented policies aimed at addressing these challenges, including affirmative action, targeted welfare schemes and financial inclusion initiatives. While gaps remain and must be addressed, framing these issues solely as indicators of declining freedom risks overlooking both historical context and ongoing policy interventions. Another area of concern highlighted in the report is the perceived weakening of political pluralism, including practices such as “resort politics” and challenges in implementation of the Right to Information framework. Yet, these phenomena are not unique to India and are often characteristic of competitive democracies. Political manoeuvring, party defections and coalition instability are features seen in many parliamentary systems. Crucially, such developments in India are subject to legal scrutiny and institutional oversight. The Right to Information Act, despite implementation challenges, continues to empower citizens and remains one of the most robust transparency mechanisms globally. Isolated administrative bottlenecks do not necessarily amount to a systemic erosion of accountability. The report also draws attention to the controversial practice of punitive demolitions, sometimes described as “bulldozer justice,” and references a 2024 ruling by the Supreme Court of India that deemed such actions unconstitutional. While the concerns surrounding due process are valid, the very fact that the judiciary intervened to check executive overreach highlights the resilience of India’s institutional framework. The availability of legal remedies, the role of an independent judiciary and the intensity of public debate all point to a system capable of self-correction. Rather than indicating authoritarian drift, such episodes demonstrate the dynamic tension between different arms of the state, which is intrinsic to a functioning democracy. A comprehensive evaluation of India must also take into account the scale and complexity of its electoral processes. Regular elections involving hundreds of millions of voters are conducted with remarkable logistical

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Is it outright ignorance?

Western media’s refusal to acknowledge India’s Progress and transformative changes should be brought to closer scrutiny. K.A.Badarinath / Neha Dahiya Why’s it that several Western media editors are anti-India in their stance? Many media friends from Western world are either outright ignorant, pursue an editorial line given by their top management or oblivious to transformative changes that have turned this country into bulwark against tyranny, intolerance and is bustling with multifaceted activity. The view from London’s West Minister or US Capitol Hill may not fit into what’s on ground zero in India. Pathetic abhorrence about the country’s economic heft, celebration of diverse faiths, rule of law, thriving democracy and not for profit organizations that operate in multitude tantamount to driving a view point. It may not be easy for western trained minds to understand Indians sensitivity when casual and flippant comments are made. These commentators just may not fully comprehend this complex country, Hindutva, Modi or BJP and would have taken a line that’s far from truth. For that matter, rise of patriotic Hindus that love their country being equated with Mussolini’s forces is something that borders on ignorance par excellence. For instance, when The Guardian, The New York Times or BBC says 200-odd million Muslims in India are either being treated as second class citizens or subjected to genocide, do these responsible media outlets fully gauge the implications? I’m tempted to quote a recent research paper produced by Indian Prime Minister’s Economic Advisory Council member Shamika Ravi titled ‘A secular Democracy in Practice: Objective assessment of Amenities Programs in India’. The study that focuses on bottom 20 per cent households demolishes this preconceived view that minorities have been targeted in India. On the contrary, the study based on a nationally representative sample of 1.2 million households across 2015-21 shows no discrimination whatsoever against minorities. If at all, there’s bias in favour of minorities especially the Muslims who have been large beneficiaries of government schemes and projects to provide electricity connections, open bank accounts, access to toilets, mobile connectivity. In a few cases, the minorities dominated by Muslims have gained more than Hindus. The study cites the case of access to electricity provided to 71 per cent Muslim households while it was 68 per cent for Hindus. Bank accounts coverage in Muslim households was as high as 77 per cent. Even the myth that Hinduism purportedly dominated by ‘Brahminical order’ discriminates against low caste communities and tribes gets busted. While access to bank accounts for backward classes was 75 per cent, for scheduled castes and tribes it was over 70 per cent. Centre for Integrated and Holistic studies (CIHS), as a think tank based in New Delhi has recently put together a detailed report on State of Religious Minorities in India. The report’s in-depth analysis based on evidence and data provided by Indian Government and other agencies establishes that minorities have been big beneficiaries of specific schemes and projects for socio-economic progress of these faith-based groups. As per the report, 49,000 major infrastructure projects were sanctioned by Central Government for minorities including Muslims and their demarcated areas in last nine years till date. From schools, medical colleges, universities, top-notch health care centres, skill development institutes, service centres to sports facilities and handicraft hubs have either already become operative or in the process of execution. As per Ministry of Minority Affairs, students of religious minorities will have to study subjects that place them on par with other students. While the Ministry does not interfere in their traditional systems of education, it promotes subjects that enhance critical thinking, reasoning and incorporates scientific thinking. Religious minorities were allotted 35 graduation colleges, 177 residential schools, 1,572 school buildings, 23,473 classrooms, 14,311 smart classrooms and modern teaching aids, 689 student hostels, 94 ITI buildings, 20 skill centres, 15 polytechnics, 2,397 health projects, 413 sadbhava mandapas (community centres), 168 common service centres, 553 market sheds, 100+ hunar haats, 6,762 toilet and sanitation projects, 84 sports facilities, 27 working women hostels and one unani medical colleges. Central Government’s scheme for Education of Madrasas and Minorities (SPEMM) was reportedly rolled out. Madrasas which avail these schemes benefit from curriculum redesign and redevelopment that includes introduction of subjects like science, mathematics, social studies, Hindi, and English. Other skill development schemes like Seekho aur Kamao (i.e. Learn and Earn), USTTAD (Upgrading The Skills and Training in Traditional Arts / Crafts for Development), Nai Manzil, Haj Management were introduced by the government that were specifically for Muslims in India. A recent editorial in ‘The Guardian’ talked about laying an epitaph to multi-ethnic secular democracy in India. Again, this is a line that’s completely misplaced given that Election Commission of India is the most authoritative, independent and autonomous institution that does not allow elbow room for discrimination against any religious class, faith practice, castes, tribes or a political class.  Even women representation in all four tiers of well-established Indian democratic structure has been on the rise. As per data provided by Law & Justice Minister Kiran Rijiju on December 9, 2022,  Lok Sabha or lower house of Indian parliament has 14.94 per cent women members while upper house or Rajya Sabha accounts for 14.05 per cent. Similar is the case with state legislative assemblies, district councils to panchayats that represent lowest rung of Indian democracy at village level or clusters. If strong democratic institutions, law and order machinery coupled with judiciary were not enough, public scrutiny at virtually each level makes Indian democratic experience all the more unique though it’s a wee bit chaotic.  This again demolishes Western perception that Indian democratic institutions ‘serve a particular ideology’.  Western media reportage claims time and again that information gets censored routinely by the government and civil society organizations were hounded out. This is far from truth. As per Registrar of Newspapers for India, over 114,000 newspapers and publications in over 100 languages have formally been registered by the time Covid 19 set in India. This does not include scores of TV channels, websites

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