CIHS – Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies

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Civilizational Continuum to Strategic Delivery

Bharat and Indonesia’s relationship is defined beyond BrahMos, Astra missiles and port development deals. It’s a defining moment. Dr Gautam Kumar Jha Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s state visit to Indonesia last week marks a defining moment in evolution of Indo – Indonesian relations. More than another successful diplomatic engagement under Bharat’s Act East Policy, the visit marks beginning of operationalizing one of India’s most consequential strategic partnerships in Southeast Asia.  While global attention has understandably focused on Indonesia’s proposed acquisition of BrahMos and Astra missile systems, conferment of Indonesia’s highest state honour, Bintang Adipurna, and fourteen agreements spanning defence, critical minerals, artificial intelligence, higher education, maritime cooperation and food security should not be viewed in isolation. Collectively, these pacts signify something far more profound: transition of the Bharat – Indonesian Comprehensive engagement from political aspiration to strategic delivery. One of Asia’s oldest civilizational relationships only separated by waters of Bay of Bengal and Andaman Sea, Bharat and Indonesia have often fallen short of realising full potential of their partnership. This paradox has long puzzled scholars, raising a fundamental question: why have two major democracies, bound by centuries of shared civilizational memory and ethos, failed to transform this inheritance into a deeper cooperation? Throughout this period, however, both countries continued to celebrate their common civilizational inheritance through Prambanan, Borobudur, Ramayana, Nalanda and enduring spirit of Bandung. These historical symbols sustained political goodwill and reinforced perception that India and Indonesia were natural partners across the Indo-Pacific. However, history alone cannot sustain bilateral relationship; rather, it should be transformed into institutional cooperation, policy coordination and long-term implementation. Prime Minister Modi’s visit represents a defining transition in bilateral ties between India and Indonesia to a partnership driven by concrete cooperation. Rather than interpreting individual agreements separately, they should be understood as components of a coherent strategic architecture built upon three interconnected pillars: civilizational capital, strategic trust and strategic delivery. Reinterpreting Indo – Indonesian Relations Evolution of Indo – Indonesian relations can broadly be understood through three historical phases. First phase emerged during the struggle against colonialism and continued through Cold War. Guided by leaders such as Jawaharlal Nehru and Sukarno, both countries championed Afro-Asian solidarity, Bandung Conference and Non-Aligned Movement. Political cooperation during this period was driven primarily by anti-colonial ideals and principle of sovereign equality. Second phase started following India’s Look East Policy, launched in 1991 and Indonesia’s democratic transition in 1998. During this period, maritime cooperation expanded, defence dialogues became institutionalized, ASEAN assumed greater prominence in India’s regional strategy, and bilateral relations reached a new milestone with elevation of ties to a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership (CSP) during Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s first official state visit to Indonesia in 2018. However, CSP largely remained an institutional framework awaiting substantive implementation. Modi’s visit marks beginning of a third phase. Unlike previous engagements, this visit demonstrated collective progress across defence, maritime cooperation, higher education, artificial intelligence, digital technologies, food security, critical minerals and cultural diplomacy. Rather than announcing new intentions, both governments began operationalizing existing strategic understandings. The defining feature of this phase is therefore implementation. Civilisational Capital: Invisible Foundation Strategic relationship is explained in terms of power, geography, or economics. Indo – Indonesian relationship demonstrates importance of an additional variable—civilizational capital. This refers to accumulated knowledge, shared historical memory, and cultural inheritance that have evolved over centuries of interaction and mutual adaptation. Diffusion of Sanskrit learning, Hindu-Buddhist philosophy, maritime commerce, and literary traditions transformed Java, Sumatra, Bali, Sulawesi and Kalimantan without erasing their indigenous identities. Monuments such as Prambanan, Borobudur and Muaro Jambi continue to symbolise not foreign influence but Indonesian civilisation itself. Ninth century Prambanan built under Sanjaya  (Mataram) dyansty is often described as Indonesia’s largest Hindu temple complex. While factually correct, such a description understates its contemporary significance. Together with Borobudur, Prambanan has become an icon of Indonesian national identity. It represents remarkable ability of Javanese civilisation to absorb external ideas while creating a distinctly indigenous cultural expression. Bharat’s commitment to restore the Shiva shrine at Prambanan goes far beyond a simple archaeological conservation project; it reflects a shared responsibility for preserving a common civilizational heritage. Prime Minister Modi’s assurance that he would return to Prambanan once restoration is completed underscores India’s long-term commitment to engaging with Indonesia through culture, education, heritage, technology and strategic cooperation alike. Civilizational capital thus became contemporary diplomatic capital. Strategic Trust: Political Transformation Conferment of Bintang Adipurna, Indonesia’s highest state honour, upon Prime Minister Modi reflects precisely this political confidence. State honours are frequently interpreted as ceremonial gestures.  In reality, they function as strategic signals. Indonesia’s decision acknowledged not merely Prime Minister Modi’s personal leadership but Jakarta’s confidence in India as a reliable partner in long-term engagement. Trust becomes particularly valuable in sectors involving advanced technology, defence manufacturing and long-term institutional dependence.  This explains why cooperation has simultaneously expanded into defence production, maritime security, artificial intelligence and digital technologies. Trust reduces political uncertainty; reduced uncertainty enables technological cooperation and technological cooperation, in turn, strengthens enduring partnerships. BrahMos, an Outcome Proposed expansion of BrahMos cooperation has understandably attracted considerable international attention. However, interpreting the visit solely through lens of missile diplomacy overlooks the broader strategic transformation underway across Southeast Asia. BrahMos should be viewed not as the cause of closer India–Indonesia relations but as one of the consequences. Indo-Pacific security environment has undergone profound change during past three decades.  China’s remarkable economic rise has been accompanied by expanding naval capabilities, an increasing maritime presence, underwater surveillance and more assertive behaviour in the South China Sea and beyond. Artificial island construction, militarisation of disputed maritime features, fictitious interpretations of Nine – Dash Line and repeated encounters within neighbouring Exclusive Economic Zones (EEZ) have altered regional threat perceptions. Stephen Walt’s Balance of Threat theory provides an appropriate analytical framework. States respond not merely to concentrations of power but to perceived threats generated by geographical proximity, offensive capability and long-term behavioural patterns. Indonesia’s strategic choices should therefore be understood within this broader regional security environment. At the same time, Jakarta

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Japan, India Unite for Prosperity

Millennial linkages fortified by Shinzo Abe move forward for economic security, deals in critical minerals, AI & energy resilience. Takaichi Sanae Prime Minister, Japan I am delighted to visit New Delhi for the Japan-India Annual Summit at the invitation of Prime Minister Narendra Modi. This visit to India, my first as Prime Minister, coincides with the 20th anniversary of the first of a series of annual alternating visits the leaders of Japan and India have been making to each other’s country. Frequent exchanges between the leaders not only serve to reinforce the robust bilateral relationship but also provide an opportunity for candid discussions on how to address the challenges facing the international community in these uncertain and testing times. It is a great honour to carry forward this baton, following Prime Minister Modi’s visit to Japan last August. Since Japan and India elevated their bilateral relationship to a “Special Strategic and Global Partnership” in 2014, concrete cooperation has progressed across a wide range of fields including security, the economy, and people-to-people exchanges. As former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe once stated, “A strong India is good for Japan and a strong Japan is good for India.” I am firmly convinced that, by leveraging each other’s strengths and becoming “more resilient and prosperous together”, we will serve the interests of both nations. It is here in India that the very concept of today’s “Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP)” first took root. “The different streams, having their sources in different places, all mingle their water in the sea.” Prime Minister Abe, in his speech to the Indian Parliament, quoted these words of Swami Vivekananda in declaring that we should view the Pacific and Indian Oceans as one and that it is our shared responsibility to pursue freedom and prosperity by cooperating with like-minded countries. This vision remains as relevant as ever and there is a compelling need for Japan and India to cooperate in realising this goal. One of the areas to which I attach particular importance at this summit is the strengthening of the strategic relationship between our countries. I wish to deepen cooperation in the field of security and strengthen our capacity to navigate the uncertain international landscape. In addition, we must work together to enhance the autonomy and resilience of countries in vulnerable positions so that they are never forced into choices under coercion from other states. This is the essence of the “Updated FOIP” I set forth in May. A genuinely free and open region is not one where only the great powers enjoy freedom but one where every nation is able to chart its own course of its own free will, unswayed by external coercion. This is the true nature of FOIP. I am convinced that this vision resonates profoundly with India’s MAHASAGAR initiative. This initiative, advocated by Prime Minister Modi, regards the ocean not as an arena for hegemony but as a shared commons that underpins the stability and growth of the entire region. India is a maritime nation that has taken concrete action to provide regional stability and support the resilience of countries in the area. It is for this very reason that India is an indispensable partner for Japan in the joint realisation of FOIP and I look forward to shaping together an international order founded upon these principles. Cooperation grounded in FOIP, India’s Indo-Pacific Oceans’ Initiative (IPOI) and MAHASAGAR is already in evidence. The “Industrial Value Chain” concept, for instance, seeks to enhance connectivity from Assam to various parts of North-East India and Bangladesh, thereby enabling access to the Indian Ocean. Through Japan’s ODA, infrastructure developments such as regional roads and bridges, including the Dhubri – Phulbari Bridge, as well as Matarbari Port in Bangladesh will extend industrial value chains not only within North-East but also across India and onward to ASEAN and beyond. Our valued friends like Nepal and Bhutan will benefit as well. When Prime Minister Modi visited Japan last August, both countries announced the “Japan-India Joint Vision for the Next Decade”. As we work toward the realisation of this vision, and taking full account of the international situation that has unfolded over the past year, I intend to put forward concrete cooperation initiatives, especially in the pressing areas of economic security, energy security, and emerging technologies such as AI. Cultural and people-to-people exchanges, rooted in the historical and cultural ties between Japan and India are equally important. In my hometown of Nara, Buddhist culture, which traces its origins to India, still vividly lives on. I trust the occasion of the 75th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between Japan and India next year will serve to give further impetus to such exchanges. The relationship between Japan and India is now a strategically aligned trusted partnership. I look forward to wide-ranging discussions with Prime Minister Modi on how best to advance our relationship for future generations as we aspire to become “more resilient and prosperous together”. (The write up first appeared in Times of India)

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Currency Conundrum

Create dedicated war chest to cushion against conflicts, defer non-priority imports, go big on dollar trades, currency swaps & non-dollar deals. K.A.Badarinath Is Bharatiya Rupee under attack? Will conversion ratio cross the psychological barrier of Rs 100 per one US dollar? Would that mean Bharat’s economy gets more susceptible or vulnerable to external currency market churns? Or, will it be oil and war? How does one make sense of rupee valuations that fluctuate wild these days? There’s a vertical divergence in Bharat on Reserve Bank of India (RBI) strategy to stem continued slide in rupee. One big section led by sixteenth finance commission chairman Dr Arvind Panagariya argue that crossing Rs 100 mark against one US dollar should not be viewed too seriously. “It’s just a number” is what Dr Panagariya wrote in his column earlier this week pushing for free fall or depreciation of rupee. Owing to continued shortages in crude oil, forward market rate to dollar was pegged at Rs 100 a piece triggering a big debate on future of Bharatiya currency. Dr Panagariya advised RBI not to defend the rupee with its huge foreign currency reserves by intervening in markets. Oil shortages and higher inflation at retail level coupled with healthy interest rates were causing free fall of rupee that crossed 97 per dollar. There’s a significant group that recommended a more conservative approach to rupee valuation. Swadeshi Jagaran Manch, an RSS inspired organization has asked RBI not to allow rupee depreciation further and touch 100 per dollar. SJM’s argument is simple: imports for domestic industry and trading community would become expensive. Cost of products and services would move up swiftly thereby impacting consumption demand and eventually hit growth. Make in India for the world campaign with self-reliance or swadeshi as motto would be hampered if rupee depreciated beyond 100 per dollar. Further slide in rupee may not be tenable politically also given that in forward markets, US dollar is already being quoted beyond Rs 100. Soaring prices of crude oil in Bharat’s diversified energy basket also had its impact. For instance, crude oil prices surge of beyond 70 per cent during April 2025 and April 2026 is something which has seriously impacted Bharat’s energy import bill. Aggregate price of crude during the period was US $ 114.48 as against US $ 67.62 per barrel in previous year. Every dollar increase in crude oil per barrel translates to over US $ one billion in import bill for Bharat. Even an aggregate US $ 85 per barrel could put pressure on budget projections for 2026-27 given that fiscal deficit would expand, subsidy bill on fuel would spike and capital investments as well as development projects spending may have to be curtailed. This provides the logic, reasoning and rationale for Prime Minister’s call for belt tightening measures that have been rolled out over last two weeks. In this backdrop, liberalists led by likes of Dr Panagariya have opposed measures like floating dollar denominated government paper or mobilization through high cost NRI deposits in dollars to shore up the reserves. Deferring payments against currency value spikes or transferring currency gains to NRIs was not an option, they argued. Better option would be to attract long term investments, defer non-priority imports and make goods and services industry in Bharat attractive in terms of ‘ease of doing business’. During financial year ending March 2026, Bharat attracted gross foreign direct investments of US $ 95 billion. But, the net inflows which discounts investment outflows, profits repatriation, disinvestments etc and interest payments was pegged at a very modest US $ 7.7 billion. Quickly expanding net FDI inflows needs to be attempted. For starters, can we target net FDI inflows at US $ 25 billion this financial year? Secondly, currency swaps in medium to long term is an idea that bankers and policymakers cannot ignore. Leveraging volatility in the currencies market and taking positions is something that needs to be done in a calibrated way. Already, currency traders have reported that RBI booked healthy margins on sale of US dollars over last one year. Apart from swaps that spread currency risks, dollar trade is something that RBI and top Indian banks must continue to minimize the adverse impact of volatility in the markets. In last one year ending April 1, 2026, RBI sold US $ 53 billion to either defend rupee or book profits. As on date, Bharat’s foreign exchange reserves are reported at US $ 688.9 billion.  Expanding and diversifying Bharat’s foreign currency basket moving away from US green back is an option. President Donald J Trump may be averse to the idea of developing countries especially India ‘de-dollarizing’ its economy. But, settling trade deals in local currencies could be a big opportunity. Merchandise and services trade settlements in respective currencies can be considered beyond BRICS group. Deferring gold and silver imports by a year is not a bad option either. During 2025-26, gold import bill had crossed a whopping US $ 71.98 billion on 702 tonnes. A 24 per cent increase in gold import bill over 2024-25 is something that stares in the face. There’s no harm whatsoever for families to stagger out their gold and silver purchases given the big economic cost. Resetting or revisiting priority areas for foreign exchange deployment may be considered seriously. For instance, pharmaceutical sector is one big consumer of foreign exchange especially for ingredients to undertake production of end-use formulations. Here again, without restrictions, priority may be assigned to life saving drugs, those intermediates and formulations that are produced for re-export purposes. One big idea could be to create dedicated ‘war chest’ of currency reserves to tide over conflict situations. On lines of strategic oil reserves why not build conflict currency reserves? Only recently, during Prime Minister Modi’s brief stopover, an agreement was concluded to shore up strategic oil reserves by 36 million barrels. Each year, a chunk of RBI surpluses can be contributed to the war chest reserves. This is in addition to general foreign

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The Oslo Press Incidents

On 18 May 2026, Norwegian commentator Helle Lyng of Dagsavisen heckled Prime Minister Narendra Modi at a joint press appearance with Prime Minister Jonas Gahr Støre in Oslo. That same morning, Aftenposten, Norway’s newspaper of record, had published a curtain-raiser caricature depicting Modi as a snake charmer. This report situates both incidents within four interlocking structures. First, a colonial visual grammar with documented antecedents in The New York Times (2014) and La Vanguardia (2022). Second, the methodology of the World Press Freedom Index, on which India’s 2026 ranking of 157 of 180 rests: a sentiment survey of selected respondents per country, applied to a press environment of 146,045 newspapers, 903 broadcasters, and 22 official languages. Third, the transatlantic funding ecosystem that sustains and shapes Europe’s India narrative, traced from George Soros’s Open Society Institute and Norway’s Fritt Ord in 2008, through the Rausing-Baldwin estate’s Arcadia commitment in 2021, to the European Commission’s emergence as the largest single donor by 2025. Fourth, Norway’s own documented record of Norwegianization, assimilation, and abuse against Native and minority populations, audited by the Storting in November 2024, ongoing in the Fosen case, and recorded in approximately sixty-five Barnevernet judgments at Strasbourg. The report concludes that the index, the journalist, and the publication that converged on Modi in Oslo are not three independent witnesses but three institutional outputs of one ideologically coherent ecosystem, and that India’s response that evening exposed that ecosystem for what it is. Download & Read Full Report:

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Narendra Modi in Israel: Friendship Reborn

Indian Prime Minister’s visit to Israel goes beyond symbolism. Substantive outcomes may lead to redrawing alliances in West Asia. Paushali Lass For decades, India and Israel were close yet cautious partners, working behind the scenes. This week, that changed. Prime Minister Modi’s visit did more than make history. It marked dawn of “Special Strategic Partnership,” a status Israel reserves for select nations. Historic Embrace: Modi at Knesset During his address to Knesset, Modi spoke with clarity and warmth, praising shared democratic values and civilizational bonds between India and Israel. Members of parliament took selfies, posted on social media, visibly enthusiastic. Modi was not merely welcomed; he was embraced. In recognition of his leadership in deepening India–Israel ties, he was bestowed Speaker of the Knesset Medal, a historic first. The award was not just a personal accolade but public affirmation of renewed strategic friendship, reflecting trust, shared values and civilizational bonds that his visit celebrated[1]. For many Israelis, this was the moment India stepped out from behind diplomatic caution and said simply: we are friends. Modi invoked deep historical ties, highlighting that India has been part of Jewish story for millennia. He reminded the Knesset that Jews found refuge in India long before modern states existed, citing the story of Queen Esther in Bible and mentions of India in Talmudic texts[2]. Modi made a powerful, unequivocal statement condemning barbaric acts of Hamas, supporting Israel without ifs or buts. For many Israelis, this clarity of friendship was unprecedented. Sharp criticism at home from certain quarters questioned how an Indian Prime Minister could visit Israel at a time when allegations of genocide in Gaza loomed large. But, Modi proceeded and made a bold declaration of solidarity. He not only condemned the atrocities committed by Hamas as acts of ‘terror’ but also expressed profound grief over loss of innocent lives on October 7, 2023. Interestingly, Modi highlighted a deeper point that may help explain the particular affinity between India and Israel from perspective of ancient civilization and culture. Although India, a majority-Hindu nation and Israel, a majority-Jewish state, may appear to have fundamentally different faith systems, there exists a philosophical thread that binds the two peoples more closely than one might assume. Modi drew parallels between Jewish concept of Tikkun Olam (repairing and healing the world) and Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam, the ancient Sanskrit declaration that world is one family. These deep-rooted philosophical traditions of both nations should not be underestimated. They offer precisely the kind of moral and spiritual foundation the world needs today as it seeks to promote global security and combat terrorism. After all, the world cannot be made a better place through political and economic deals alone; spiritual dimensions of these ancient civilizations must also be recognized and strengthened. The two-day visit was especially meaningful for Indian Jewish community. Prime Minister Modi met Indian Jewish community, creating a historic and emotional connect. Revital Moses[3], who dedicated herself to strengthening India–Israel cultural ties described the experience as “surreal”, meeting a leader she had grown up watching on television, whose vision she had admired for decades. The visit carried deep symbolic weight. Modi took out time to be at Yad Vashem and paid tributes to Holocaust victims, highlighting shared commitment to humanity. What many may not be aware of is that India gave refuge to Jewish refugees fleeing the Holocaust during World War II. Modi also held a private meeting with President Herzog who thanked him for India’s unwavering support and friendship towards Israel. Something that surprised many and instantly went viral was Modi’s meeting with immensely popular stars of Israeli TV series Fauda, celebrating creative talent that has become one of Israel’s global cultural exports. He engaged with Israel’s innovation leaders in a special tech forum, reflecting the cutting-edge technological landscape of the country. And then there were visuals that linger: Indian flags waving on Jerusalem streets. This is a profoundly moving sight. Agreements to Action: Strategic Partnership Modi’s visit translated goodwill into action. Together with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, he oversaw signing of sixteen major agreements (Memorandum of Understanding) covering defence, technology, trade, agriculture, finance and people-to-people engagement. Highlights include: In short, it was more than a diplomatic exercise. It was roadmap for peace, innovation and prosperity, built on mutual trust, democratic values and complementary capabilities. Beyond MoUs and agreements, the visit signals a strong social and economic agreement: businesses, innovators, cultural leaders and citizens on both sides are invited into the partnership, encouraged to collaborate and recognised as part of the strategic equation. This public acknowledgement of friendship between the two nations also gives fresh momentum for private sector businesses to collaborate more actively, while also encouraging deeper people-to-people engagement, allowing citizens to explore and appreciate each other’s cultures. Geopolitical Implications: New Alignment Indian Prime Minister’s open friendship with Israel, warm reception he received across political spectrum, his huge popularity among Israelis and unequivocal condemnation of Hamas terror, not only deepens strategic and civilisational ties with Israel but invoked anger among adversaries. This partnership indicated a potential broader regional alignment with Greece, Cyprus, Ethiopia, Somaliland as counterweight to Turkey, Pakistan and Iran line up.The latter countries havea proven record of destabilizing Middle East and Indian subcontinent that are now sharpening their capabilities to challenge this emerging alliance. Consolidation of these partnerships is a significant shift in regional geopolitics, reflecting shared security priorities, mutual economic interests and concerted effort to safeguard stability and counter terrorism. Beyond defence and technology deals, what strikes the most is subtle but profound shift in how Israeli society is responding to relationship with India. Modi’s unequivocal acknowledgment of October 7 massacre has touched hearts of Israelis like few other world leaders’ speeches ever have. What truly sets this visit apart is that Modi has won hearts, from top leadership to regular Israelis on the street. (Paushali Lass is an India-born intercultural educator, writer and international speaker based in Germany. She authored Tasting Faith: Jews of India and works to build cultural and business bridges between Israel,

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Vande Mataram to Trigger ‘Swa’!

Vande Mataram to Trigger ‘Swa’!

From home grown tech, goods, services to Bharat’s way of resolving her problems would celebrate the spirit of ‘Swa’ to’swadeshi’! K.A.Badarinath The national song ‘Vande Mataram’ that caught the imagination of all freedom fighters for united Bharat against British occupation seeking ‘swaraj’ a la self-rule has turned 150. Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay penned the verses in 1875 and this became the swan song for complete freedom and rejection of foreign rule, goods and services. This very song can serve as inspiration for a united, developed country of 1.5 billion people overcoming both internal and external challenges. And, rightly, central executive council of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) that held three-day conclave in Jabalpur earlier this week announced one-year long campaign to celebrate and revive the spirit of ‘Vande Mataram’. It was first voiced at the Congress session in 1896 by none other than Bharat Ratna Rabindranath Tagore. And, the delegates at Congress session were swayed by this national song. It also turned the ‘mantra’ against British and sung by icons like Maharashi Arbindo, Madame Bhikaji Cama, renowned poets like Subramanya Bharati, Lala Hardayal and Lala Lajpat Rai apart from reformers like Dayananda Saraswati. Mahatma Gandhi had deftly used ‘Vande Maataram’ to greet people even in his letters to fellow compatriots and freedom fighters. When ‘Vande Mataram’ turned 100, ironically, the Congress-led government restricted its singing in 1975 after then Prime Minister Smt Indira Gandhi imposed internal emergency, trampled upon citizens’ fundamental and democratic rights. Most democratic institutions including both houses of parliament were dissolved and began two-year near lunatic undemocratic rule to stay in power. Hence, the entire Sangh parivar that bore the brunt of a criminal rule in New Delhi, seems to have decided to ring in the spirit of ‘Vande Mataram’ after 50-years. The national song treated on par with national anthem is sought to reunite the entire country’s citizenry against divisive forces seeking to weaken the fundamentals of the society on lines of caste, creed, sex, region, religion and faith. ‘Vande Mataram’ has the big potential to rekindle the spirit of ‘Swa’ (selfhood) and ‘Bharatiyata’ (Indian-ness) against forces of disruption having linkages with foreign powers. From villages, counties, communities to the entire nation, Vande Mataram could inject the sense of belonging for Bharat, resurrect its civilizational ethos, celebrate its diversity and unite to become a developed country laying a firm path for other nations to move along as well. RSS Sarkaryavah Dattatreya Hosabale has emphasised on reviving the spirit of ‘swa’ as the basis for national renaissance, development and bringing about inclusive prosperity in Bharat setting aside differences within some sections. ‘Swa’ includes reliance on domestic resources, talent, ideas, innovations and technology that could define Indian-ness. For instance Sridhar Vembu’s arattai can be our basic communication medium as against Whatsapp. For instance, building our own Kaveri engine that can power passenger and fighter aircraft should be our priority as against building Russia’s SJ-100 aircraft. As Dattatreya Hosabale said, ‘Swa’ or ‘Swadeshi’ should not translate into complete ‘isolation’ from Bharat’s perspective. It only means that heavy dependencw on domestic resources, desi talent, home grown technologies, innovations and human mind. From aerospace engineering, defence production to information technology, self-reliance should become the key word in spirit, content or processes. Puritan ‘Swadeshi’ way coupled with multiple global partnerships would bring about resilience to Bharat’s campaign for her socio-economic renaissance. One is reminded of Russia buckling under US pressure to deny Bharat the cryogenic engines technology to power her rockets and missiles. Russian space agency Glavcosmos revised its 1994 pact with Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) to deny the cryogenic engines technology and limited to supply nine engines. And, ISRO scientists outflanked the global space powers to rise from ashes and dominate the space sector. Big positive in this campaign is also Narendra Modi led government’s move to join the parivar campaign on ‘Vande Mataram’. If the recent Home Ministry memorandum is any indication, Prime Minister Modi will lead the nation to rekindle the spirit of ‘Vande Mataram’ way on Friday, November 7 that’s Akshay Navami. Last month itself, Union Cabinet had through a resolution decided to celebrate ‘Vande Mataram’ till November 7 next year. This campaign would become more purposeful if the governance at every level adapts ‘swadeshi’ as the ‘mantra’ Overtaking Japan or Germany, competing for the top of the stack position vis-à-vis China and US on economic front is a doable project if the spirit of ‘swa’ in every sector was applied. From governance reforms to celebrating diverse languages of Bharat’s people, governments, political formations and leadership will play a significant role. (Author is Director & Chief Executive of New Delhi based non-partisan think tank, Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies)

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Trump’s Tantrums & Lies!

Trump’s Tantrums & Lies!

Quixotic dealing with strategic allies untenable, US may lose out on India and get cornered as the deep state and left lobbies plays dirty. K.A.Badarinath Overwhelming opinion amongst intelligentsia is that US President Donald Trump is throwing tantrums and lying through his teeth. His repeated claims from Washington DC, Kananaskis – the venue for G-7 summit – and elsewhere have come under close scrutiny internationally. First big claim that President Trump made was to have successfully mediated between Bharat and Pakistan during the week-long conflict to avert a nuclear war. The two countries fought a limited war following daylight murder of 26 tourists in Pahalgam of Jammu and Kashmir by ISI sponsored terrorists in April 25, 2025. Yesterday, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi categorically debunked President Trump’s falsified claims from White House and outside. Neither was there any mediation, dialogue nor intervention by President Trump to pause the armed conflict. Instead, ‘Operation Sindhoor’ was paused only at specific and desperate request of Pakistan military establishment through regular channels of communication after Bharat pounded its airbases deep. In fact, Trump had gone ahead and tweeted to claim his leadership role in dissuading the South Asian neighbours from going to a major nuclear war. Yesterday, President Trump went a step further and pointed out that international media did not write about his ‘stellar role’ as peacenik between the arch rivals. On the contrary, in his 35-minutes telephonic conversation with Trump, Modi unambiguously stated that the latter had no role whatsoever. Indian foreign office ‘read out’ by Secretary Vikram Misri clearly dismissed in most certain terms any mediation by President Trump. What’s laughable is that Donald Trump repeated his bombastic claim from Oval office that he stopped the war even after getting a ‘earful’ from Modi. Second big claim of President Trump that trade deal between India and US was used as leverage to bring around Prime Minister Modi. Again, this has been outright dismissed outright by India. President Trump’s suggestion that trade deal in the works between India and US leveraged to prevent a larger war was again billed as ‘preposterous’ and ‘untrue’. To drive home India’s unambiguous position on war with terror infested Pakistan, Modi firmly and politely declined Trump’s invite to stop over in Washington DC for a chat citing ‘prior commitments’.  One cannot recall if American President’s invite was ever declined by Indian leadership in the past. Few things have been stated crystal clear to President Trump in the telephonic conversation whether he liked it or not. India will not and never accept mediation with Pakistan. This is key articulation of the country’s policy as part of its ‘strategic autonomy’ framework. Yet another point made was that funding, sponsoring and abetting terrorism will now on be considered war against India and not Proxy war. And, hence, Bharat reserves the right to hit back in a manner it deems fit. Thirdly, Jammu & Kashmir is non-negotiable, integral to India and only discussion could be on areas under illegal occupation of Pakistan. In last few weeks, India exercised maximum restraint in not taking on President Trump’s claim either directly or indirectly. Yesterday’s phone call between the two leaders reflected clarity in articulation India’s position.  On the parallel, General Asim Munir of Pakistan getting close to White House, having a closed door lunch with President Trump is something that clearly indicates complete disruption in US foreign policy under Republican Presidency. Reports that President Trump promised hitherto denied defence technologies to Pakistan for using its territory to strike against Iran has its own implications. Old foreign policy hands have an independent analysis on the chain of events including President Trump’s claims that have been eventually denied by Indian foreign secretary Misri. Entire rule book in diplomatic niceties have been consigned to dust bin by President Trump and his bunch of policy advisors from corporate world while dealing with Presidents and Prime Ministers. Hosting General Asim Munir has its own nuances and messaging for sure. President Trump seems to have realized that General Munir could be deployed to could push the American agenda in Asia. Using Pakistani airbases and army entry – exit points across 1000 kilometres long border with Iran will only expand the war theatre between Israel and Iran. Courting Pakistan at most critical junctures have had happened even in the past. Hence, Trump – Munir lunch may not have come as a big surprise for some Indian security hawks. Also, Donald Trump may be looking at a defunct and rudderless Pakistan as ‘potential market’ for clinching transactional business deals as well as go down in human history with a ‘peace nobel’ courtesy Islamabad’s leadership. One big suspicion is that American deep state may be playing dirty against Prime Minister Modi’s decisive leadership as it had attempted at  denying his re-election for a third consecutive term. Cosying up of Pakistan military establishment with Republican White House may have come after a successful trade deal hammered out by Trump and Chinese Communist Party’s iron-fisted President Xi Jingping. In ultimate analysis, President Trump comes out as an ‘undependable ally’ for anyone including Bharat. Disruptions in equations with friends and foes may be treated with equanimity by the slippery Trump administration. Rising American societal unrest that has begun to show up in demonstrations and protests may only deepen threatening the very idea of ‘United States of America’. American deep state and Left aligned lobbies entrenched over decades are bound to exploit the churn to their advantage. In the process, there’s huge possibility of President Trump getting cornered. In the process, Trump may lose out on India. (Author is Director & Chief Executive of New Delhi based think tank, Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies)

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Vision That Works for Bengal Region

Vision That Works for Bengal Region

India’s 21-point Action Plan operationalizes cooperation through commerce, climate, connectivity and culture anchored in grounded capabilities. Rohan Giri For regional groups like BIMSTEC comprising seven nations straddling South and Southeast Asia there’s hardly a big need for grand declarations. Instead, practical architecture is need of the hour. The 21-point action plan discussed at the recent BIMSTEC summit in Bangkok, Thailand may provide a window of opportunity. The plan mooted by Prime Minister Narendra Modi may provide the template for sustainable relations between member-countries to navigate complexity of inter-dependence, climate risk and digital transition. The proposal has gained significance due to the timing and not ambitious objectives it seeks to achieve. Given that it is under-networked, Bay of Bengal region finds a key role that it can play in supply chain resilience, energy connection and climate vulnerability. A structured cooperation to deal with key issues is essential for sustaining the relationship for shared prosperity of people in the region. For instance, setting up Bay of Bengal Chamber of Commerce and the decision to hold an annual business summit will work wonders for the region. Emphasis on business and trade recognizes that economic integration is not only a desired goal but a necessity to further regional integration and ward off global disruptions. The move to explore possibility of undertaking trade in local currencies would help mitigate vulnerability to external financial disturbances. Deliberations on shift to digital infrastructure are equally well-founded. Recognizing uneven digital capacities in the region, the idea of conducting pilot research on applicability of India’s Digital Public Infrastructure (DPI) is prudent. Without pushing for adoption of digital infrastructure put together by Bharat, the proposal gains importance as it provides a clear path to digitizing economies in the region. The recommendation to look at possibility of interlinking India’s Unified Payments Interface (UPI) with regional payment systems reflects the urgent need for smoother cross-border financial flows that can positively impact tourism, small businesses and migrant remittances in segments often neglected. On physical infrastructure, it is still a long way to traverse while digital and financial corridors provide instant mobility. Reducing friction in transactions is inevitable if formal trade between countries were to flourish over long run and phase-out unofficial trade. The design of the plan seems to respect this peaceful realism. The action plan’s emphasis on disaster management and climate readiness shows where it exhibits greater insight. Along with cooperation between national disaster response authorities, the idea of creating a BIMSTEC Centre of Excellence for Disaster Management addresses a particularly acute regional vulnerability. Countries in Bay of Bengal region experience regular earthquakes, floods, and cyclones. Hence, the idea of a regional centre for excellence to manage disasters is more of shared insurance against environmental volatility. Similarly, space technology cooperation is important not to further geopolitical ambition but rather as an appreciation of vital involvement in remote sensing and satellite data. This will help in agricultural planning, weather forecasting and coastal surveillance. The idea of constructing ground training centers and cooperate on nano-satellites answers the quiet revolution in space democratisation. Access to space-based data can significantly impact small and mid-sized countries in BIMSTEC determining the difference between informed governance and ongoing vulnerability. The projects to train 300 young people each year; grant scholarships in forestry and traditional medicine and organize capacity-building programmes for diplomats and healthcare professionals highlight the commitment to regional prosperity. Collaborative efforts and sharing resources is an important component of this cooperation. Recommendations do not advocate depending just on institutions of any one nation. Rather, they advise utilizing existing resources and capabilities to help people in the area. For example, public health where the support for traditional medicine research and cancer care training program through Tata Memorial Centre answers both epidemiological trends and cultural settings. These are not meant to be soft-power weapons. These are responses to address gaps in healthcare impacting millions of people. Calls for security cooperation without securitisation and proposed ministerial level conclave to solve shared issues like cybercrime, terrorism, and trafficking are bang on the dot. Soft security threats which often undermine governance in post-pandemic global order pose a greater challenge than traditional military hazards. Energy integration is one area that can be fast tracked with a regional electric grid link. With Energy Centre now operational in Bengaluru, the plan aims to go beyond statements to technological harmony. Dynamic load balancing, made possible by shared grid infrastructure, lowers storage needs, fits with climate targets, and helps balance loads. These are required for sustaining economic growth in medium to long term. Youth involvement and cultural interaction, regional athletics meet and Hackathon presents a gentler but not softer approach to regionalism. These are areas that enable development of shared generational identity Many times, multilateral organizations fail not because of bad policies but loss of public credibility. Sporting and cultural interactions act as slow-burning engines to create relationships that legislation by itself cannot support. A long-standing focus for BIMSTEC is maritime connectivity which is sought to be furthered by the plan to set up Sustainable Maritime Transport Centre. The plan emphasises not only shipping routes but research, creativity and capacity-building. Given the Bay of Bengal’s growing strategic relevance for world supply chains and the environmental hazards of overuse, this emphasis provides a relevant junction between economic value and environmental sensibility. Collectively, the 21 ideas do not suggest that a new pole in world affairs is emerging. They do not assert extraordinary uniqueness. Rather, they capture demands of modern regionalism. They respond to pragmatic questions that legislators all through Global South face: How might regional cooperation be less vulnerable? How can one build without overreaching? How can one integrate without imposing control? India’s approach is conditional upon regional needs and not grandiose or minimalist. It understands that leadership in multilateral environments, especially among close neighbours is something to be operationalised through credibility, patience and alignment rather than declarations. The recommendations stay anchored in viability by providing existing institutional capability instead of building whole new systems. (Author is a doctoral

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Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s USA Visit

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s USA Visit

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to the United States in February 2025 represents a significant milestone in the evolution of the India-U.S. relationship. This visit was not only a display of high-level diplomacy but also a demonstration of both nations’ commitment to addressing contemporary challenges while harnessing emerging opportunities in multiple domains. With a focus on strategic defense, innovative technologies, economic reforms, and multilateral cooperation, the visit set the stage for a renewed and expansive partnership between the two democracies. This report outlines the key engagements, strategic dialogues, and transformative initiatives that were announced during the visit. It aims to provide a comprehensive overview of the discussions and agreements reached, highlighting the broad range of issues that are set to shape the future of bilateral relations.

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PM Modi and Trump Forge a New Dawn in U.S.-India Relations

PM Modi and Trump Forge a New Dawn in U.S.-India Relations

Prime Minister Modi’s visit to the United States not only deepened the strategic alliance between the two nations but also set in motion a cascade of initiatives that promise to reshape the geopolitical landscape for decades to come. Rahul Pawa In a dazzling display of strategic vision and personal rapport, Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s recent visit to the United States in February 2025 has set the stage for an era of renewed cooperation and transformative partnerships between two of the world’s most influential democracies. Against the backdrop of an increasingly complex global landscape, the visit showcased a masterclass in diplomacy, marked by high-level meetings, landmark agreements, and an inspiring confluence of ideas that spanned defence, trade, technology, energy, and cultural exchange. At the heart of this historic journey was the much-anticipated meeting between Prime Minister Modi and President Donald J. Trump in Washington, D.C. In an atmosphere that was as congenial as it was consequential, the two leaders not only reaffirmed the bedrock of the India-U.S. Comprehensive Global Strategic Partnership but also demonstrated a genuine personal rapport that resonated far beyond policy papers and strategic memos. Their conversation, punctuated by mutual admiration and forward-looking optimism, culminated in the launch of the ambitious U.S.-India COMPACT for the 21st Century—a transformative roadmap designed to deliver tangible results across defence, commerce, and technology within the year. In an era defined by intricate challenges—from rebalancing global tariffs and tackling illegal immigration to addressing the ramifications of the Russia-Ukraine issue—Modi’s discussions with President Trump were both candid and constructive. The leaders deliberated on the urgent need to streamline tariff structures to foster a more equitable trading relationship. They also exchanged views on sensitive judicial issues, such as the extradition of Tahawwur Rana, recognising that robust legal cooperation is pivotal in the fight against terrorism. This frank dialogue underscored their shared commitment to maintaining a rules-based international order, a cornerstone for global stability. A standout moment during the visit was Prime Minister Modi’s engaging discussion with Elon Musk, who, in his dual role as the head of the U.S. Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) and CEO of Tesla, symbolised the seamless fusion of public policy and private innovation. In an exchange that was as energetic as it was visionary, Modi and Musk explored the boundless possibilities of emerging technologies—from space exploration and artificial intelligence to sustainable development. Musk’s presence, accentuated by the warmth of his family’s company, added a distinctly personal dimension to the dialogue, reinforcing the belief that when innovation is nurtured, boundaries dissolve and progress becomes inevitable. The visit was also a testament to the two nations unyielding commitment to security. In his meeting with U.S. National Security Advisor Michael Waltz, Prime Minister Modi delved into discussions centred on strategic technologies and defence industrial cooperation. The dialogue, which included pivotal discussions on civil nuclear energy and the deployment of small modular reactors, laid the groundwork for an enduring partnership aimed at fortifying both nations’ security frameworks. Equally significant was the meeting with U.S. Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard, where the emphasis was placed on bolstering intelligence sharing, particularly in the realms of counterterrorism and cybersecurity. These high-level engagements highlighted a shared understanding: that in today’s volatile global environment, the integration of traditional and technological security measures is indispensable. One of the most consequential outcomes of the visit was the announcement of a new ten-year major defence partnership framework. This comprehensive agreement is poised to not only enhance the interoperability of the two nations’ armed forces through expanded defence sales and co-production initiatives but also to foster the development of cutting-edge autonomous systems via the newly established Autonomous Systems Industry Alliance (ASIA). Such initiatives are testament to the strategic foresight of both nations, ensuring they remain at the vanguard of modern warfare and intelligence-sharing capabilities. In parallel, enhanced military collaboration was underscored by plans for expanded joint exercises such as the “Tiger Triumph” tri-service exercise. This commitment to operational readiness and mutual trust stands as a bulwark against both conventional and unconventional threats, ensuring that the armed forces of India and the United States are ever-prepared to respond to emerging global challenges. On the economic front, the visit heralded a bold new chapter with the introduction of “Mission 500”—an ambitious initiative aiming to double bilateral trade to $500 billion by 2030. This visionary target is complemented by ongoing negotiations for a comprehensive multi-sector Bilateral Trade Agreement, expected to streamline trade practices and dismantle barriers to market access. Modi’s discussions emphasised the importance of greenfield investments and regulatory reforms designed to create an enabling environment for business expansion, ensuring that the economic benefits of the strengthened partnership are widely shared. Energy security, a linchpin of national stability, featured prominently in the agenda. The U.S.-India Energy Security Partnership was designed to guarantee reliable, sustainable, and affordable energy supplies through joint initiatives in oil, gas, and liquefied natural gas (LNG). Complementing this was the reaffirmation of the U.S.-India 123 Civil Nuclear Agreement, aimed at advancing civil nuclear cooperation through the development of U.S.-designed reactors in India. Special emphasis was placed on the development of small modular reactors—an innovation set to revolutionise energy generation by being both cost-effective and environmentally sustainable. Perhaps one of the most forward-looking initiatives announced was the U.S.-India TRUST (Transforming the Relationship Utilizing Strategic Technology) initiative. This comprehensive programme is poised to catalyse innovation by fostering collaboration among governments, academia, and the private sector in fields as diverse as artificial intelligence, semiconductors, and quantum computing. In tandem, the INDUS Innovation Bridge aims to bolster industry–academic partnerships and create secure, trusted supply chains for vital technological components, thereby enhancing both nations’ self-reliance and resilience in an increasingly interconnected global economy. The discussion also extended to strategic mineral recovery and civil space cooperation. Recognising the critical role of raw materials in technological advancement, efforts to accelerate the recovery of essential minerals like lithium and cobalt were highlighted. Joint space projects, including a NASA-ISRO collaboration, are poised to propel both nations into a leadership role in

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