CIHS – Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies

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Fresh Set of Challenges for Modi 3.0

Khalistanis, Naxalites, Kashmiri subversives gaining legitimacy in Parliament demands fresh thinking and strategy K.A.Badarinath As Bharat’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi readies to take reins at centre for a third consecutive term, challenges, known and unknown may have to be dealt with on priority basis. Commentators of every hue and shade have written copiously on Prime Minister Modi’s tenacity or lack of it to run a coalition government with Telugu Desam and Janata Dal (United) and half a dozen others in tow. Challenges identified here are different and mostly new to tackle right away. For a year, Amritpal Singh, a Khalistani extremist who waged a war on Punjab Police has been put away in Dibrugarh jail of Assam. Waris Punjab De chief who hitherto owned a logistics company in Dubai is being tried for crimes including possible treason after having led a mob on Ajnala police station in Punjab. He’s being tried under National Security Act (NSA) from April 2023. His reported linkages with Pakistani spy agency, ISI to source weapons to spill violence on streets of Punjab are some of the allegations against Amritpal Singh. The 31-year old radical Khalistani separatist will have to be dealt with by Modi government when eighteenth Lok Sabha opens for newly elected members of Parliament to take oath. From Khadoor Sahib in the Punjab, Amritpal Singh was elected a member of Lok Sabha after having trounced his Congress rival. Security forces that laid trap in and around Punjab after the Ajnala incident will now have to provide security cover to the ‘Honourable Member of parliament’. Singh was successful in recent elections with highest majority of 1.97 lakh votes in Punjab. Member-elect from Khadoor Sahib will have to be respectfully escorted by the very security forces from jail to Parliament. Election Commission of India (ECI), Lok Sabha Speaker and the new government apart from courts will have to bear with his idiosyncrasies on Khalistan, the imaginary separate Sikh state. One big positive however is that the avowed Khalistani will have to take a pledge as per Bharat’s Constitution and work within the country’s governance system. Protocols to deal with him will change overnight. Second case will be Sarabjeet Singh Khalsa, son of Beant Singh who killed then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi following Operation Blue Star. Sarabjeet is the new Member of Parliament elected from Faridkot and a fundamentalist. Though an independent candidate, hitherto Sarabjeet Singh Khalsa was with Siromani Akali Dal – Amritsar. This party has had Simranjit Singh Mann as its member in Lok Sabha from Sangraur previously represented by Chief Minister Bhagwant Singh Mann. Sarabjeet Singh Khalsa’s plank as an independent in Faridkot was to seek justice for desecration of Guru Granth Sahib in October 2015. On October 12 that year, Sikhs’ holy book was desecrated in Behbal Kalan and a couple of days later two sikh youth were killed. This very is part of Faridkot constituency. Even after election, Khalsa and Mann along with several Khalistani separatists shouted slogans for a separate Sikh state at Golden Temple, the highest seat of Sikh Panth in Amritsar. While Sarabjeet is regarded a fundamentalist, his election and allegiance to Bharat’s Constitution as a Parliament Member may ring in some positivity. But, there’s denying that going forward Sikh panthic politics has come here to stay and traditional Sikh parties like Shiromani Akali Dal will have to make way for new alignments and forces especially aligned with extremist and terror elements globally. Modi government will have to redraw its Punjab strategy in sync with new realities. Third member who could turn tricky for Narendra Modi government is Sheikh Abdul Rashid who’s serving his term in Tihar jail. He’s been elected to lower house from Baramulla after trouncing former Chief Minister Omar Abdullah of National Conference. Popularly known as engineer Rashid, he’s been in high security Tihar jail for over five years in cases relating to money laundering and funding terror in the Kashmir valley from across the border and elsewhere. Oppression, revenge and jail term were emotionally put forth by his sons to garner votes for engineer Rashid. While Rashid’s swearing in as Lok Sabha member would turn an eyeball event, abrogation of Article 370, Jammu and Kashmir assembly elections may come back to focus. Courts have to take a call on his interim bail to facilitate his swearing in. After a gap of 25-years, Communist Party of India – Marxist Leninist (Liberation), Left extremist group will enter the parliament with two  of its members in Rajaram Singh from Karakat constituency. His comrade, Sudhama Prasad defeated BJP minister and high profile R K Singh from Arrah. Both these constituencies are in Bihar. The party that draws inspiration from one of left extremist movement, Charu Mazumdar, has moved into public space from arms struggle and is part of the opposition, Indi alliance. CPI-ML Liberation shifted gears and moved away from Kondapalli Seetaramaiah faction’s Peoples’ War group that still is in the midst of waging a war against the state.  Mainstreaming of naxalites with entry into Parliament and state legislatures is a tribute to Bharat’s democracy. But, spread of Left extremist political ideology overtly may demand a fresh strategy from Modi government. Chandrashekhar Azad alias Ravan is yet another figure from Uttar Pradesh that BJP-led alliance that needs to watch out for.  Chandrashekhar will represent Nagina Lok Sabha constituency in the lower house after having won the seat with a margin of over 1.51 lakh votes. He is regarded as a self-established Dalit leader after having setup the Bhim Army. His activism extends to a decade. On March 15, 2020, Chandrashekhar launched Azad Samaj Party (Kanshiram) to mainstream his political activism overtly. Initially, he looked at a tango deal with Akhilesh Yadav’s Samajwadi Party (SP). But, Chandrashekhar felt let down when his party was offered just two seats in the Lok Sabha elections by SP. Azad’s direct involvement in Saharanpur violence led to his arrest under National Security Act by the Uttar Pradesh government. Delhi Police denied him

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Reforms Should Go Beyond Economy, Touch Every Facet of Life

Let’s leverage strengths for global good, meet aspirations of Bharat’s citizens as we progress to become a developed country by 2047 Narendra Modi The biggest festival of democracy, the 2024 Lok Sabha Elections, is concluding today in our nation, the Mother of Democracy. After a three-day spiritual journey in Kanniyakumari, I have just boarded the plane for Delhi. Through the day, Kashi and numerous other seats have been in the midst of voting. My mind is filled with so many experiences and emotions… I feel a boundless flow of energy within myself. The 2024 Lok Sabha elections are the first in the Amrit Kaal. I began my campaign a few months ago from Meerut, the land of the First War of Independence of 1857. Since then, I have traversed ac-ross the length and breadth of our great nation. The final rally of these elections took me to Hoshiarpur in Punjab, the land of the great Gurus and a land associated with Sant Ravidas Ji. After that, I came to Kanniyakumari, at the feet of Maa Bharti. It is natural that the fervour of the elections was echoing in my heart and mind. The multitude of faces seen in rallies and road shows came in front of my eyes. The blessings from our Nari Shakti… the trust, the affection, all of this was a very humbling experience. My eyes were getting moist… I entered into a ‘sadhana’ (meditative state). And then, the heated political debates, the attacks and counter-attacks, the voices and words of accusations which are so characteristic of an election… they all vanished into a void. A sense of detachment came to grow within me… my mind became completely detached from the external world. Meditation becomes challenging amidst such huge responsibilities, but the land of Kanniya Kumari and the inspiration of Swami Vivekananda made it effortless. As a candidate myself, I left my campaign in the hands of my beloved people of Kashi and came here. I am also grateful to God for instilling in me these values from birth, which I have cherished and tried to live up to. I was also thinking about what Swami Vivekananda must have experienced during his meditation at this very place in Kanniyakumari! A part of my meditation was spent in a similar stream of thoughts. Amidst this detachment, amidst the peace and silence, my mind was constantly thinking about the bright future of Bharat, the goals of Bharat. The rising sun at Kanniyakumari gave new heights to my thoughts, the vastness of the ocean expanded my ideas, and the expanse of the horizon continuously made me realise the unity, the Oneness, embedded in the depths of the universe. It seemed as if the observations and experiences undertaken in the lap of the Himalayas decades ago were being revived. Kanniyakumari has always been very close to my heart. The Vivekananda Rock Memorial in Kanniyakumari was built under the leadership of Shri Eknath Ranade ji. I had the opportunity to travel extensively with Eknath ji. During the construction of this memorial, I had the opportunity to spend some time in Kanniyakumari as well. From Kashmir to Kanniyakumari… this is a common identity that is deeply ingrained in the heart of every citizen of the country. This is the ‘Shakti Peeth’ (seat of Shakti) where Maa Shakti incarnated as Kanya Kumari. At this southern tip, Maa Shakti performed penance and waited for Bhagwan Shiva, who was residing in the Himalayas at the northernmost parts of Bharat. Kanniyakumari is the land of confluences. The sacred rivers of our country flow into different seas, and here, those very seas converge. And here, we witness another great confluence – the ideological confluence of Bharat! Here, we find the Vivekananda Rock Memorial, a grand statue of Saint Thiruvalluvar, Gandhi Mandapam, and Kamarajar Mani Mandapam. These streams of thought from these stalwarts converge here to form a confluence of national thought. This gives rise to great inspirations for nation-building. This land of Kanniyakumari gives an indelible message of unity, especially to any person who doubts Bharat’s nationhood and the sense of unity. The grand statue of Saint Thiruvalluvar in Kanniyakumari seems to be looking at the expanse of Maa Bharti from the sea. His work Thirukkural is one of the crown jewels of the beautiful Tamil language. It covers every aspect of life, inspiring us to give our best for ourselves and for the nation. It was my great fortune to pay my respects to such a great figure. Swami Vivekananda once said, “Every nation has a message to deliver, a mission to fulfil, a destiny to reach.” For thousands of years, Bharat has been moving forward with this sense of meaningful purpose. Bharat has been a cradle of ideas for thousands of years. We have never considered what we have acquired as our personal wealth or measured it purely by economic or material parameters. Therefore, ‘Idam-na-mama’ (this is not mine) has become an inherent and natural part of the character of Bharat. Bharat’s welfare benefits our planet’s journey to progress as well. Take the freedom movement as an example. Bharat gained independence on Aug 15, 1947. At that time, many countries around the world were under colonial rule. Bharat’s independence journey inspired and empowered many of those countries to achieve their own freedom. That same spirit was seen decades later when the world came face to face with the once in a century Covid-19 pandemic. When concerns were raised about the poor and developing countries, Bharat’s successful efforts provided courage and assistance to many nations. Today, Bharat’s governance model has become an example for many countries around the world. Empowering 25 crore people to rise above poverty in just 10 years is unprecedented. Innovative practices such as Pro-People Good Governance, aspirational districts, and aspirational blocks are being discussed globally today. Our efforts, from empowering the poor to last-mile delivery, have inspired the world by prioritising individuals standing at the last rung of society. Bharat’s Digital India campaign is now an example for the entire

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Fuelling Discontent Dishonestly

Ziya Us Salam’s propagandist anti-Hindu book, “Being Muslim in Hindu India” promoted by habitual offender The New York Times Dr Shailendra Kumar Pathak The book, “Being Muslim in Hindu India,” by Ziya Us Salam, an author infamous for his agenda driven writings has sparked controversy and debate, particularly due to its propagation of what many perceive as a narrative steeped in victimhood and misinformation. A recent article in The New York Times edition of May 18, 2024, titled ‘Strangers in Their Own Land: Being Muslim in Modi’s India’ by Mujib Mashal and Hari Kumar seems to be an attempt at amplifying this very min-information.  Assertions made in the book that are one-sided may have suited anti-Hindu and anti-Bharat agenda of The New York Times.  Media outlets like ABC News, AFP News from US also echoed the packaged mis-information peddled by Ziya Us Islam. On closer scrutiny, it becomes evident that claims made in the book and related articles are riddled with inaccuracies and lack substantive evidence. A few media outlets had to cut a sorry figure as US State Department debunked their claims on lack of religious freedom in Bharat. On May 20, US foreign ministry spokesperson Matthew Miller said that the state rejects such reports outright. “We are deeply committed to promoting and protecting universal respect for the right to freedom of religion or belief worldwide. We have engaged many countries including India on the importance of equal treatment for members of all religious communities,” Miller said at a briefing. In this write up, claims made by Ziya Us Islam in his book and related foreign media reports are being closely scrutinised to expose the fallacies and distortions that underpin them. Salam’s book propagates false victimhood narrative suggesting that Muslims in Bharat are constantly oppressed and marginalized due to their religious identity. This portrayal ignores the socio-political realities of Bharat where Muslims have held significant positions in government, businesses, academia and arts. Dharmic ethos has led Bharat to accommodating diverse religious communities and faiths including Muslims over the millennia. It may not be an exaggeration to say that Bharat is the only country that’s home to most sects and sub-sects of Muslims.  Overplay by foreign media sporadic localised incidents involving minorities in Bharat are absurd. Prime Minister’s Economic Advisory Council said in a report that from 1950 to 2015, muslim population in Bharat increased by 43.15 per cent. On the contrary, a decline of 7.82 per cent has been reported for Hindus during the same period. If muslims faced atrocities or were under attack as Ziya Us Islam and his media friends claim, will the absolute number of muslims surge? The research found that Christian, Sikh and Buddhist numbers increased while Jain and Parsi populations fell. Is there, any country across the world where any community faced discrimination and wrath of majority but its number grew consistently over 65-year time frame? Propagandist book alleges systemic discrimination by Indian state against Muslim citizens. On the contrary, Bharat’s Constitution guarantees equal rights and opportunities to all its citizens, irrespective of religion. Government policies and initiatives aim to uplift marginalized communities including Muslims, through affirmative action and welfare schemes. Accusations of state-sponsored discrimination lack evidence and serve only to fuel divisive agendas. One glaring flaw in Salam’s book is his selective interpretation of history. He conveniently ignores instances where Hindu-Muslim harmony prevailed and exaggerates isolated incidents of conflict to paint a grim picture of interfaith relations in Bharat. In reality, Bharat’s cultural tapestry is woven with threads of coexistence and mutual respect, exemplified by centuries-old syncretic traditions and shared cultural practices. Salam’s work ventures to perpetuate stereotypes about Hinduism, portraying it as inherently hostile towards Muslims. This misrepresentation not only undermines the rich tapestry of Hindu philosophy and spirituality but reinforces divisive narratives that fuel communal tensions. Hinduism encompasses diverse beliefs and practices embodied by principles of tolerance, compassion and pluralism. Salam’s lies hit the roof when he claims that ancestors of Bhagwan Ram were Muslims. It has been proved with scientific research that Ram existed more than 3000 years before Islam took birth on this earth. The book sensationalizes Hindu – Muslim relations by highlighting isolated incidents of communal violence while ignoring the vast majority of harmonious interactions between two communities. Bharat’s cultural fabric is woven with threads of diversity and tolerance where Hindus and Muslims coexisted peacefully celebrating each other’s festivals and sharing social bonds. Instances of communal harmony far outweigh sporadic conflicts, a fact conveniently overlooked in the propaganda narrative. Salam illustrates some incidents where those accused in murder of Muslims were given heroic welcome. The author deliberately keeps silent on targeted killing, rape and sexual abuse of Hindu girls and women perpetuated by Muslims through predesigned means and campaigns. Salam appears very upset towards laws against ‘love jehad’ encouraged by Muslim families through fake identity. His conscience does not stir when reports appear each day on rapes, murders, discords, divorce, abuse of Hindu girls. By singularly portraying Muslims as victims of purported Hindu oppression, Salam overlooks the agency and resilience of the Muslim community in Bharat. Despite facing challenges, Muslims have made significant contributions to Bharat’s cultural, economic and social fabric. From art and literature to science and technology, Muslims have excelled in various fields enriching the nation’s diversity and heritage. Attributing violence to Hindu extremism oversimplifies complex socio-political dynamics. Like any other country Bharat also grapples with various forms of violence including caste-based and intra-religious conflicts. Blaming Hindu nationalism for all instances of violence undermines efforts to address broader issues of social justice and communal harmony. Salam’s book risks exacerbating sectarian tensions by essentializing Hindu-Muslim identities and reinforcing a binary narrative of “us versus them.” Such divisive rhetoric not only undermines Bharat’s secular ethos but plays into the hands of extremists on both sides who seek to sow discord and hatred. Instead of fostering unity and understanding, Salam’s work could fuel polarization and mistrust. The propaganda propagated in Ziya Us Salam’s book, “Being Muslim in Hindu

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Think Different, Do Differently

Modi 3.0 may have to extricate itself from incremental expansion of on-going projects, if it were to lead Bharat to exalted developed nation status K.A.Badarinath Prime Minister Narendra Modi is expected to form a government for record third term in a row with comfortable majority after a tumultuous eight-week long Lok Sabha elections campaign. While Modi 3.0 begins mid-June, there’s huge interest globally on the agenda for the new government. There’s already some spadework done by the present regime on what would perhaps be rolled out in first 100-days of freshly minted National Democratic Alliance government. Once the new government takes charge with a reconstituted team under Prime Minister Modi, political stability at centre and 20-odd states ruled by BJP or its coalition partners is assured.  Unlike several countries that are in the midst of wars, conflicts or political instability, Bharat would stand out as a nation of 1.4 billion people to emerge as the global economic powerhouse and a beacon of hope for global communities. The eight per cent plus growth coupled with stable interest rates and reined-in inflation levels at 4 per cent will serve as backdrop for Bharat to emerge as third largest economy globally surpassing Germany and Japan. After US and China, Bharat will emerge as third largest economy and a hub for agricultural produce, industrial manufacturing, providing services and export cost-effective quality goods and services. In first three years of Modi 3.0, Bharat will not only be valued as US$ five trillion economy, but would well be on way to move up market capitalisation in stocks sweepstakes. Already, both BSE and NSE have reported that market capitalization in Bharat have crossed a whopping US$ five trillion serving as a leading indicator on what’s in store for the economy. First big task for new finance minister to occupy the corner room in North Block would be to present a full regular budget in three months along with blueprint for making Bharat a developed economy by 2047. Opposition parties, especially the Congress, may have scoffed at the idea of ‘developed nation’ tag for Bharat, but putting in place nuts and bolts to go big is something inevitable. A commendable job done by Nirmala Sitharaman is what would come handy for Modi 3.0 while charting its course for attaining the exalted ‘vikasit bharat’ status which is both a commitment and conviction for Team Modi. Cash surpluses of over Rs. three lakh crore, RBI dividend of Rs 2.1 lakh crore and record foreign exchange reserves of US$ 648.7 billion as on May 25 serve as positives for new government to rollout short term measures in its long journey to becoming a developed nation. Even if interim budget expenditure projections of Rs 47.65 lakh crore and gross tax collections target of Rs 38.2 lakh crore are retained, borrowings through bonds and bills may be pruned by third edition of Modi government. Alternatively, retaining gross borrowings at Rs 14.13 lakh crore in 2024-25 will provide enough leeway for the new government to introduce new elements to economic expansion and put it on high growth trajectory of over 10 per cent growth on continuum for three years. A big push to capital spending to create assets across infrastructure areas at Rs 12 lakh crore may become focal point to further Modi government’s campaign to evolve New India along with new jobs, services and opportunities, cater to the aspirational youth that backed BJP-led NDA in the seven phase Lok Sabha elections that ended today. Sticking to fiscal prudence strategy that involves reduced fresh borrowings, lower accumulation of debt and interest payments outgo coupled with serious recalibration of food, fertilizer and oil subsidies may have to continue without any let up. On the parallel, deepening and broad-basing famed growth paradigm with focused development interventions in education, healthcare, housing, water and farm support is what the Narendra Modi government in its new avtar may have to continue. Real challenge will be to lay firm foundation for a ‘new developed’ Bharat. Out of box thinking may propel diversified economic expansion that’s inclusive and target oriented. For instance, can the new government think of 20 new growth centres to take Bharat’s economy to next level? What does that mean? Say for instance, can Sandeshkhali in West Bengal’s Sunderbans area where women faced violence and sexual abuse become new growth centre for women-centric development project? Three crore ‘lakhpati’ didis scheme be housed in Sandeshkhali and spread across Bharat as women’s economic empowerment project of Bharat. Local skills, opportunities and fresh ideas from different states apart from development of eco-sensitive Sundarbans waterfront can be weaved into this signature project of Prime Minister Modi. Comprehensive economic uplift project for tribal communities can be centred in Bastar or Narayanpur in Chattisgarh where both Left extremism and rampant religious conversion of vulnerable tribal communities happen routinely. Can a growth centre be planned and implemented for fisheries development with coastal Kerala or Andhra Pradesh being its headquarters? Should fisheries be managed and regulated from Delhi? A fresh economic growth model around fisheries and coastal areas development can be evolved to give thrust to these areas. If Hyderabad is developed as defence technologies and original manufacturing hub, can’t ports based economic development model be designed in Odisha? No new project, scheme or public sector company should be allowed registration in national capital region or the metropolis. Twenty-odd new thematic growth areas can be considered to spread development projects to nook and corner of Bharat. If required, some ministries, departments, state-run companies, autonomous bodies may have to be located away from Delhi. Modi 3.0 can even design twenty hubs with spokes and spines each for start-ups, different financial services etc as decentralized economic growth centres. Why not relocate agriculture ministry to say Amritsar or Ludhiana without making hue and cry about it? Should comprehensive hills development project not be run out of Uttarakhand or Himachal Pradesh? There’s very little utility in keeping environment and forests ministry housed in Paryavaran Bhavan located at posh Jor

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Bharat Goes Whole Hog in Neighbourhood

Stability, progress and growth is what Bharat seeks to achieve in South Asia through its ‘neighbourhood first’ policy Dr Divya Gupta Post-independence in 1947, Bharat pursued a regional policy based on the principle that neighbours are important to national security and a market that can contribute to India’s economic development. Given the bipolar world order that prevailed during Cold War, Bharat pursued non-alignment based on its stated global role as the third-world leader. India built her policy on the basis of “The Five Principles of Peaceful Co-existence” (Panchsheel) which was first signed on April 28, 1954 between then Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru and his Chinese counterpart Zhou Enlai. Panchsheel covered issues like sovereignty and integrity, territorial integrity, no mutual aggression, non-interference in each other’s internal affairs, equality, mutual benefit and peaceful coexistence. Panchsheel agreement was considered one of the significant bases for building foreign policy with immediate neighbouring countries that India pursued after independence. But, Prime Minister Nehru was particularly interested in building and strengthening international cooperation especially among developing countries. Indian foreign policy during that period had focused more on international relations than neighbourhood relations. After end of Cold War, India made significant adjustments in her foreign policy framework owing to international, regional changes and internal challenges. Over the years, India has gradually come to occupy a significant role on strategic chessboard within the region and the world. A person who thought ahead about close relationship with neighbouring countries was former Prime Minister Inder Kumar Gujral, known for his Gujral doctrine, a policy orienting the relationship between India and its neighbours. Gujral doctrine was a policy that sought friendship based on sovereign equality and non-interference with “non-reciprocal magnanimity” towards smaller countries such as Bangladesh, Nepal, and Sri Lanka. The incumbent Prime Minister Narender Modi has formulated, followed and executed “neighbourhood first policy” in letter and spirit with respect to our immediate neighbours including Afghanistan. Essence of this policy is the desire to effectively contribute to the construction and architecture to establish a stable foundation of peace and cooperation in South Asia in particular and Asia in general as a responsible, stable and large country. Narendra Modi expanded the matrix of his foreign policy framework, took new line showing distinct imprint in his policies. He formulated his foreign policy doctrine (Modi doctrine) and introduced new pillars of India’s foreign policy (Panchamrit) including five pillars: dignity, dialogue, shared prosperity, regional and global security, cultural and civilization linkages aimed at affirming India’s position as a rising power in the world. During high-level discussion at 69th session of United Nations General Assembly in September 2014, Prime Minister Modi said, “The destiny of a country is linked to its neighbourhood. That is why my government has placed the highest priority on advancing friendship and cooperation with neighbours” (Modi 2014). He argued that “neighbours are the number one priority” which is considered a bright spot in India’s foreign policy. India’s ‘Neighbourhood First policy’ guides its approach towards management of relations with countries in its immediate neighbourhood, i.e. Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Maldives, Myanmar, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka. The policy is based on the idea that a stable and prosperous neighbourhood is essential for Bharat’s economic and security interests. The Neighbourhood First Policy is also part of Bharat’s larger vision of becoming a leading power in the region and world. India’s Neighbourhood First policy can also be seen as a manifestation of Modi government’s vision of building ‘Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam (the world as one family). Vaccine diplomacy and development assistance based on mutual respect and equal partnership are two most important pillars to catapult India’s Neighbourhood First policy[i]. Vaccine diplomacy has been seen as pragmatic response to a global pandemic and way to strengthen its image as a responsible leader at both regional and global levels. Noteworthy, Indian diplomacy, particularly during the Covid-19[ii] pandemic, resulted in India being recognised ​​on the world stage as a harbinger of hope providing necessary help to needy nations and their people globally. As part of India’s Neighbourhood First policy, India, through its vaccine diplomacy (Vaccine Maitri)[iii], extended help to many countries of the world and neighbouring countries during the Covid-19 pandemic. Also, and notwithstanding that India was affected very badly, particularly during the second wave, India handled the situation very well to overcome the worst effects of the pandemic relatively, and at the same time, help other countries to address the challenge. Primary beneficiaries of Vaccine Maitri in South Asian region are Bangladesh (Rs 22.5928 million in total supplies in the form of commercial and grant assistance, followed by Nepal (Rs 9.499 million); Sri Lanka (Rs 1.2640 million); Afghanistan (Rs 1.4680 million); Bhutan (Rs 0.55 million) and Maldives (Rs 0.312 million). India committed $10 million to South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) Fund to address the global pandemic. Keeping with the spirit of Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam, India is providing support to Afghanistan and Sri Lanka to address their myriad challenges through its development assistance initiative. Since the Taliban assumed charge in Afghanistan, India supplied wheat and other essential food items and Covid-19 vaccines as humanitarian aid to Afghanistan. In its budget for 2022-23, India allocated Rs 2,000 million as development assistance to Afghanistan. Apart from this India also provides financial assistance to neighbouring countries through Lines of Credit (LoCs), Grant-in-aid, Credit Facility, Currency Swap Facility and others. India has extended four Lines of Credit worth US $ 7.862 billion to Bangladesh under Indian Development and Economic Assistance Scheme (IDEAS). India also supports Bangladesh in several developmental and infrastructure projects across sectors such as roads, highways, railways, ports, power transmission, waste management, economic zones, information and communication technology, solar power generation etc. India has also provided Rs. 45,000 million as development assistance for 12th Five Year Plan (November 2018-October 2023) to Bhutan. India has extended five LoCs totalling to US $ 1.33 billion[iv] to Maldives including assistance to Greater Male Connectivity Project. India has provided budgetary support to Maldives. In September 2020, India offered US $ 250 million in financial assistance to Maldives to mitigate the impact

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Bumpy ride for Republican Nepal

Political parties, old and new, will have to measure up to expectations of Nepalese people for socio-economic development, prosperity Navita Srikant General Elections of November 2022 in Nepal saw emergence of alternate political parties besides the mainstream traditional players. Traditional democratic forces and communist ideologies were challenged by young and professional voices who advocated change. Terai Leaders continued their journey in fragments. The Elections also witnessed calls for return to Hindu Nation and Constitutional Monarchy as against the present multi-party system. “Raja aau Desh Bachau” (Oh King! Please come to save the country) was popular with youngsters. It has been eighteen months since 2022 elections and political uncertainty as well as chaos has become the new normal. If there be one line to sum up the mood amongst citizenry, it would be the desire to seek change from prevailing status quo. Youth continue to be a frustrated lot given that the education is redundant and does not land them in jobs.  Women struggle to make their voice heard and be represented in decision making within a regimental patriarchal society while businesses struggle to deal with liquidity crunch. They see little hope even in clearing public borrowings made during global pandemic Covid19. Entrepreneurship across Nepal is on the deathbed as there’s no supportive ecosystem. Amidst this social and economic unrest in Nepalese society, one had hoped for political stability to address these lingering issues. But, the mainstream parties as well as new political formations could barely sustain the momentum of growth and development. Instead, they got pre-occupied with power sharing permutations and combinations. In the meanwhile, forex reserves swelled only due to increased remittances. But, increasing conflict and war situations around the world exposed vulnerability of remittances-based economies like Nepal and amplified the need for more stable policy frameworks. On domestic front, Nepal was hit by high profile policy related corruption that seriously dented the image of political parties. Bhutanese Fake Refugee Scam of transnational nature incriminated high ranking politicians, former ministers and bureaucrats. Policy linked corruption in cases as Giri Bandhu Tea Estate, Lalita Niwas Land scam and Cooperative sector irregularities are classic cases of amending rules, regulations to enable non-state actors from taking advantage to benefit chosen private entities at the cost of the Exchequer. Similarly, Maoist Cantonment scam is another case to use state coffers to pay the parties’ supporters. It wouldn’t be an exaggeration to state that the strongest and only nation state in South Asia that was never colonized is being plundered and looted by its own political leadership and more so under the new three-tier federal system. In the recently released, sixty first annual report of the Office of Auditor General of Nepal, it is stated that 171 local level units under Local Government have spent Nepali Rs 9.15 crores in salaries for appointment of personal secretaries and advisors for which there is no provision in provincial laws. Additionally, the report pointed out irregularities in procurement and implementation in projects managed by Nepali Police and Security Forces. Nepali Army’s name was embroiled in cases of procurement irregularities in Kathmandu Terai Fast Track Project (KTFT Project). In a recent case, there was an uproar in arrest of Kailash Sirohiya, the chairman of Kantipur Media Group (KMG) over his citizenship credentials. In brief, the citizenship number allotted to Sirohiya was previously set aside to one Shivaji Sahu Teli. Sirohiya had obtained citizenship by descent in 1979 and renewed his citizenship card in 2000. The confusion with citizenship numbers and two persons being allotted the same number appears to be an issue of institutional capacity at local administrative units. What was surprising that local authorities jumped the gun and arrived at his offices to arrest in broad daylight instead of serving show cause notice to Sirohiya for explanation and in parallel conducting their own review of files and archives? KMG is one of the leading Media Groups in Nepal. Recent news stories in KMG on irregularities and unlawful gains reportedly made through four cooperatives by Rabi Lamichhane, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Home Affairs may have served as immediate provocation to question Sirohiya’s citizenship. Developments leading to arrest and thereafter national uproar, calls for solidarity with KMG’s Sirohiya and demands to end pressure tactics to prevent free press and freedom of expression hogged headlines. Leading opposition party, Nepali Congress including some of the leaders of the existing coalition condemned use of undue force and pressure by the Government for what seemed like a procedural inquiry and could have followed its due course without having to flex muscle. Coalition Government leaders remained mum to save the government from a free fall. Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal ‘Prachanda’ recently stood for his fourth ‘Vote of Confidence’ in just18 months, three times by swapping coalition partners and once due to break-up in Janata Socialist Party (JSP), the coalition partner in the third time government. Rather than rainbow colours of sectoral development, growth plans and progress, Nepal’s canvas on domestic affairs reflect predominance in dark colors of coalition politics, corruption and vendetta politics, financial irregularities surpassing past numbers due to three-tier political administrative structure. Investment Board of Nepal put in huge efforts to organise a high-level Nepal Investment Summit with over 800 foreign delegates and 2500 domestic leaders. The summit rightly created positive buzz and provided a platform for networking and collaborations. Summit participants were rather unanimous that ‘Emerging Nepal’ is ready for foreign investment. But, one silently noticed that a shiver went down the halls of the Summit in desperate search for domestic political leadership with spine. It is now imperative that the shiver doesn’t end looking for a foreign spine with attractive offers and hidden caveats in between the lines that can end up ruining the economy. Nepal is still sitting with exposure of Chinese defunct aircrafts (which were rejected by Bangladesh but bought by Nepal) and Pokhara Airport Loan. While Chinese leadership stated Pokhara Airport to be part of BRI Project, then Nepali Government clearly stated that

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Bharat’s Security Prowess Unsettles West-Centric Global Security Dynamics

Unsubstantiated allegations and politicised narratives not only strain diplomatic ties but also detract from the collaborative efforts needed to combat global terrorism effectively. Rahul PAWA / @imrahulpawa Over the past year, Bharat has found itself at the epicentre of Western allegations, coupled with old friend camaraderie with Pakistani generals accusing Indian officials of undermining the sovereignties of nations by purportedly engaging in the termination of terrorists in Canada, the United States, and Pakistan. This intimidating interest in alleged Indian clandestine security operations, raises pivotal questions about the underlying motives and the broader global dynamics at play. Concurrently, it signals Bharat’s ascendance in the realm of global security as a revitalised and influential force, unsettling the traditional West-centric world order. In an era where the global threat landscape is increasingly complex, global and interconnected, Bharat’s extraordinary criminal justice measures to neutralize terrorists over the past decade—such as the 29 September 2016 surgical strike on terrorist launchpads across the Line of Control in Pakistan Occupied Indian territory of Jammu Kashmir, and the 2019 airstrike on the Jaish-e-Mohammed training camp in Balakot, Pakistan—are particularly significant. Under the leadership of Indian Prime Minister Modi, these operations had shed the ‘outdated and reluctant’ image of Indian security agencies of the past, showcasing new Bharat’s capability and resolve. The operations were conducted with a notable degree of professionalism, responsibility and transparency, as the Indian PM informed Pakistani counterparts prior to disclosing them to the world. These actions not only announced Bharat’s arrival as a formidable security force, but also challenged the traditional West-centric world order. Recent Western allegations, devoid of substantive evidence as seen in opinion heavy reporting of ‘The Guardian’ claiming Bharat’s role in tens of terrorist terminations in Pakistan, a covert unseen Five Eyes network intelligence report regarding the killing of Canadian terrorist Hardeep Singh Nijjar and subsequent local vote-bank influence as evidenced in Canada, along with the case involving alleged attempted assassination of Gurpatwant Singh Pannun, the US-based face of the proscribed terrorist entity SFJ, appear to be part of a broader strategy aimed at exerting collective pressure and undermining Bharat’s assertive stance against terrorism. Bharat which has long been a victim of cross-border terrorism orchestrated by Pakistan and its extensive global terror network, which includes Canadian and American terrorists. Canadian terrorists like  Talwinder Singh Parmar of Babbar Khalsa masterminded the 1985 bombing of Air India Flight 182, claiming 329 innocent lives. Similarly, American terrorists like David Coleman Headley and his Canadian accomplice Tahawwur Rana played pivotal roles in the dastardly 2008 Mumbai attacks by Lashkar-e-Taiba, resulting in 175 deaths and over 300 injuries. More recent attacks, such as the 2016 Uri assault by Pakistan-backed Jaish-e-Mohammed, which killed 19 Indian soldiers and injured 30, and the 2019 Pulwama suicide bombing by Jaish-e-Mohammed and Lashkar-e-Taiba, which took the lives of over 40 Indian police personnel, underscore the persistent threat Bharat faces. In this context, Bharat’s measures acknowledged criminal justice measures like listed above to protect itself are not only moral and lawful but also a national security imperative. However, the coordinated western and Pakistani allegations involving unravellings like Nijjar’s assassination in Canada, an attempted assassination of Pannun, and tens of terrorist assassinations in Pakistan appear more fixed at challenging the newfound capabilities of Bharat’s security apparatus under Prime Minister Modi. This stance appears discordant with traditional security superpowers that often perceive national security as their exclusive domain. Most importantly, Bharat’s strategic partnerships with various nations, including those in the West, are built on mutual respect and shared interests. These alliances are grounded in a mutual commitment to promoting global stability, economic development, and security. However, for these relationships to thrive and be truly effective, they must be free from unwarranted accusations and intimidation that can undermine trust and cooperation. Unsubstantiated allegations and politicised narratives not only strain diplomatic ties but also detract from the collaborative efforts needed to combat terrorism effectively. By fostering an environment of mutual trust and respect, Western nations and Bharat can work together to dismantle terrorist networks, prevent radicalisation, and enhance global security. In conclusion, it is imperative that Western nations avoid actions that could be perceived as coercive or dismissive of Bharat’s security concerns. Instead, they should prioritize engagement that is based on equality, respect, and a shared commitment to eradicating terrorism. By doing so, they not only reinforce their alliances with Bharat but also bolster the collective ability to address and overcome the multifaceted challenges posed by terrorism in the 21st century. It is time for the international community to support Bharat’s efforts to create a secure and stable world, acknowledging that a strong and secure Bharat is beneficial for global peace and prosperity. (Author is Director – Research at New Delhi based think tank, Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies) 

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Brief: Foreign Media, Political Players in Bharat’s Elections

Bharat, a country with 1.4 billion population and over 968.8 million registered voters, is in the midst of largest democratic exercise of franchise in seven phases over two months ending on June 4. In the midst of election fury, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited Bellari, the mining town in the country’s southern state of Karnataka a few days back. Prime Modi made a significant statement relating to foreign propaganda in the elections to Bharat’s Parliament with upper and lower houses. A few were surprised when Modi said, “when the country is progressing rapidly, some countries and some institutions do not like it. There are many people who do not want a strong Bharat. They want the country and its government to be weak so that they can easily make profits. Since 2014, a campaign for cleanliness has been going on in the country’s power corridors. Bharat will progress as a developed nation.” Progressing to become a developed nation is logical extension of high growth trajectory in which Bharat is currently cruising. But, what stands out is Indian Prime Minister’s assertion about the country’s foes that may like to disrupt this organic progression by influencing the electoral process. In a nuanced speech, Prime Minister Modi talked about foreign powers’ false propaganda, interference and attempts at intervention in Bharat’s elections to see a weak and pliable government at helm in New Delhi. (Author Rohan Giri is a journalism graduate from Indian Institute of Mass Communication (IIMC) New Delhi, and a Content Manager at CIHS.)

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Canada Unsafe for Indians & Hindus

Recent years have posed significant challenges to Canada’s reputation as a safe destination for immigrants, particularly for Indians. Nation’s appeal as a place of opportunity and inclusivity notwithstanding, reports of hate crimes, violence against Indians, Hindus and racial prejudice have increased. This radicalism and governmental biases have mounted concerns regarding safety. (Author Pummy Pandita is head of operations at Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies, a non-partisan think tank based in New Delhi)

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Multifaceted Nationalist & Revolutionary

Vinayak Damodar Savarkar’s ideas on Hindutva that define cultural and civilizational unity defined his struggle for Bharat’s independence Dr Shailendra Kumar Pathak Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, fondly remembered as Veer Savarkar, stands as an iconic figure in Bharat’s struggle for independence from British imperialists. His life, marked by intellectual brilliance, fierce nationalism and unwavering courage, resonates beyond borders of Bharat, inspiring generations around the world. The multifaceted persona of Savarkar is tale of his journey from a young revolutionary to a visionary leader of Bharat’s freedom movement. Born on May 28, 1883, in Bhagur village of present-day Maharashtra, Savarkar was imbued with a spirit of nationalism from an early age. His formative years were shaped by deep sense of pride in Bharat’s cultural heritage and fervent desire to free his motherland from colonial shackles. A brilliant student, Savarkar got his early education at Shivaji Vidyalaya in Nashik, Fergusson College, Pune and later, pursued higher education in England where he got acquainted with revolutionary ideas and plight of colonized people across the globe. Academic excellence notwithstanding, activism led to his expulsion from college. But, without giving up, he persevered, securing funds to pay fines and excel in his examinations. Known for fiery speeches and patriotic ballads, Savarkar’s influence grew, prompting invitations for lectures across Maharashtra. He fostered network of Abhinav Bharat, envisioning collaboration with revolutionaries abroad. His departure to London, facilitated by Shivaji Scholarship, underscored his rising prominence, hailed as a skilled orator at youthful age of twenty-two, leaving profound mark on path to Bharat’s freedom struggle Savarkar’s return to Bharat marked beginning of his involvement in struggle against British rule. His seminal work, “The First War of Indian Independence,” challenged colonial narrative and redefined Bharat’s struggle for freedom as a unified, nationwide movement. As a prolific writer, Savarkar utilized his literary prowess to galvanize support for the cause, inspiring countless Indians to join the fight for independence. Central to Savarkar’s ideology was Hindutva which centred on cultural and civilizational unity of Indian subcontinent. This ideological position defined as Hindu nationalism is different from European view that’s more sectarian and divisive. While his advocacy for Hindu nationalism has been debated intensely, Savarkar’s vision transcended faith boundaries, envisioning an inclusive Bharat where every individual enjoyed equal rights and opportunities. Savarkar’s contributions to Bharat’s independence movement were not confined to the realm of ideas. He actively participated in revolutionary activities, organizing underground networks and mobilized support for armed resistance against British imperialists. His arrest in 1909 following Nasik Conspiracy Case where a British aligned magistrate was neutralised marked beginning of years of incarceration and hardship. Notwithstanding unimaginable torture and suffering that he was subjected to at infamous Cellular Jail in Andaman, Savarkar remained steadfast in his commitment to freedom. After prison release in 1924, Savarkar continued his efforts to advance cause of Indian nationalism. His advocacy for social reforms, educational empowerment and women’s rights underscored his progressive outlook and commitment to building a vibrant and inclusive society. Savarkar’s legacy extends far beyond his role as a freedom fighter. His writings, including “Hindutva: Who Is a Hindu?” and “Six Glorious Epochs of Indian History,” continue to shape public discourse and influence political thought in contemporary Bharat. While his life remains an enigma, there is no denying that he left an indelible mark on pages of history. His visionary foresight illuminated paths yet untrodden, rendering him a figure of multifaceted brilliance. Every facet of his being, every moment of his existence, was devoted unwaveringly to the nation’s service. His intellectual prowess knew no bounds, traversing realms of poetry, biographies, dramas, rational treatises and seminal works on social reform, including the scourge of untouchability and the imperative of purification and reconversion. In his fervent crusade against colonial tyranny, he ignited flames of inspiration by igniting foreign garments, rallying the youth towards fervent patriotism. Establishing connections with revolutionaries worldwide, he brought injustices of British rule to global stage, while fearlessly addressing and rectifying social maladies within Hindu society. Simultaneously, he envisioned and advocated for the transformative role of Hindu organizations in shaping the nation’s political destiny. Savarkar’s legacy transcends time, a beacon of enlightenment and action for generations to come. Social Revolutionary Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, renowned for his advocacy on Hindutva and Hindu Rashtra, also embodied essence of a social revolutionary. Dhananjay Keer, in his biography of Ambedkar, distinguishes a social reformer and a social revolutionary, highlighting that while a reformer rebuilds existing structures, a revolutionary dismantles the old to rebuild anew. Savarkar, far from being merely a reformer, actively engaged as a social revolutionary. Scientific Temperament: Savarkar rejected dominance of religious texts in society, advocating instead for a foundation based on scientific principles. He emphasized necessity of embracing practical and scientific values over blind adherence to religious doctrines. In his essay ‘What is the Real Sanatan Dharma?’ Savarkar challenged the notion of considering religious texts as immutable truths, asserting importance of accepting truth based on empirical evidence rather than tradition. His vision encompassed a nation grounded in scientific rationality, essential for both societal progress and individual well-being. Critic on Caste & Beliefs A vocal critic of caste system, Savarkar denounced notion of caste being determined by birth, contending that one’s occupation, not lineage, should dictate caste classification. He adamantly opposed the idea of caste-based discrimination, condemning it as a hindrance to societal advancement. Savarkar attributed the perpetuation of casteism to the belief in mythological texts, rejecting their validity in shaping social hierarchies. He advocated for the abolition of caste-based discrimination and proposed practical measures to bridge caste disparities, stressing the importance of evaluating individuals based on merit, not lineage. Seven Indigenous Practices: Savarkar vehemently opposed ‘sapta-bedya’ or seven restraints imposed by tradition, advocating for their abolition to foster societal equality. He advocated for equal access to religious texts, freedom in choosing professions, eradication of untouchability, unrestricted foreign travel, religious conversion, freedom in dietary practices, and elimination of caste-based restrictions in marriage. Savarkar recognized these practices as impediments to social progress and called for their elimination to

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