CIHS – Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies

Date/Time:

Insight - Explaining Caste

Insight: Explaining Caste

Pre-colonial Indian studies, historic roots, social practices expose Christian, Western framework on caste to drive agenda-based narratives. In Hindutva, Varna and Jaati are distinct concepts often conflated as “Caste” in Western discourse, causing confusion. Varna, rooted in texts like Rig Veda and Bhagavad Gita, is a theoretical framework dividing society into four functional roles based on capacities, qualities and duties they undertake: Brahmins (scholars, priests), Kshatriyas (rulers, warriors), Vaishyas (merchants, farmers) and Shudras (labourers, service providers). Bhagavad Gita (4.13) stresses that Varna depends on actions and character, not birth, though it later became hereditary. Jaati, by contrast, refers to thousands of birth-based, localized groups linked to specific regions, occupations or traditions shaping social interactions in India. For instance, a single Varna like Kshatriya may encompass multiple Jaatis varying by region and time (Srinivas, M.N., 1985, Caste in Modern India). The term “Caste,” introduced by Portuguese colonizers (“casta,” meaning lineage) oversimplifies Varna and Jaati into a rigid hierarchy. Western views often mischaracterize Caste as a uniform, oppressive system unique to Hindutva ignoring its historical fluidity, regional diversity and parallels to class or guild systems elsewhere. This perspective overstates Brahmin dominance sidelining non-Brahmin roles in Hindu society (Dirks, Nicholas B., 2001, Castes of Mind). In paragraphs below, usage of caste refers to this complex, interdependent and layered architecture of Jaati and Varna and is used for simplicity purposes only.

Read More
India’s Home Grown Defence Ascent

India’s Home Grown Defence Ascent

From Kargil war to Operation Sindoor, Indian forces have undergone transformational changes in capabilities, capacities & outlook. Brig Brijesh Pandey Twenty-six years ago, in May 1999, just as global accolades for Lahore Declaration echoed, Pakistani forces crossed Line of Control (LoC) in Kargil sector of Jammu and Kashmir, masked as “freedom fighters.” By occupying winter-vacated heights of Dras, Kaksar, Batalik, and Mushkoh, Pakistan’s Northern Light Infantry flagrantly violated international norms, bilateral accords and established military conventions. This covert infiltration was aimed at enlarging the arc of terrorism and reigniting global attention on Kashmir through deceitful aggression. India responded with Operation VIJAY under self-imposed constraints that precluded crossing Line of Control or deploying air power in Pakistani airspace. These limitations notwithstanding, Indian Armed Forces reclaimed the heights after a gruelling 54-day campaign suffering 527 fatalities and 1,363 injuries. Kargil conflict exposed glaring weaknesses in India’s military preparedness, particularly in surveillance, logistics, indigenous weapons systems and joint command structures. The post-war Kargil Review Committee catalysed vital structural reforms and laid groundwork for a transformation that would take shape over next two decades. Catalyst for Defence Modernisation Lessons of Kargil underscored that bravery alone did not compensate for systemic gaps. The government responded with sweeping institutional and strategic changes: Despite initial inertia and bureaucratic roadblocks, the foundations laid after Kargil began to take effect post 2014, when the government designed a vision for New India and exhibited the political will for a full-fledged indigenous defence ecosystem. Structural and Policy-Level Overhauls R&D and Innovation Ecosystem India has taken commendable step by establishing Anusandhan National Research Foundation with a proposed ₹ 1 Lakh Crore Research & Innovation Fund and steps such as: Indigenous Force Multipliers India’s self-reliant defence strategy is exemplified by an expanding portfolio of homegrown systems: Operation Sindoor: A Defining Moment in Indigenous Warfare On 07 May 2025, following a terror attack in Pahalgam, India launched Operation Sindoor a precision, tech-enabled retaliation that lasted just 22 minutes but left a lasting impact. Unlike the fragmented Kargil campaign, this was a demonstration of a fully integrated and indigenous warfighting ecosystem: A comparative snapshot of capabilities of Indian Armed Forces during Kargil vis-à-vis Operation Sindoor can be summed up as: Category Kargil (1999) Operation Sindoor (2025) Surveillance Foreign satellites Indigenous ISR networks, drones Artillery Swedish Bofors ATAGS, Dhanush, Vajra K9 Air Power Mirage 2000, MiG-21 Tejas Mk1A, drones, PGMs Intelligence Fragmented Real-time networked Cyber & EW Minimal Advanced indigenous capabilities Import Dependency 70%+ Majority of systems Indian-made Strategic Implications India’s growing strength in indigenous defence production carries significant strategic implications. It positions the country as a credible two-front deterrent, prepared to respond to potential threats along both its western and northern borders. Regionally, India is emerging as a power capable of projecting military influence from the Andaman Sea to the African coastline. On the global stage, India is carving out a role as a defence exporter, expanding its presence across Southeast Asia, Africa, and Latin America. Furthermore, it is asserting itself as a leader of the Global South by presenting a scalable, technology-driven model of self-reliance that other developing nations may aspire to emulate. Persistent Challenges Despite India’s impressive strides in indigenous defence capability, several structural and operational challenges persist. Bureaucratic inertia continues to impede the pace of procurement, often causing critical delays in the acquisition of essential equipment. In the realm of research and development, with stagnant R&D at 0.3% of GDP and Gross Expenditure on R&D (GERD) at 0.64% as against 2.64% of GERD of China Israel’s 5.6% R&D-to-GDP ratio supported by dense web of university-industry linkages, military R&D, and start up ecosystem. Innovation is not a by-product of industrial growth, it is pre-condition and modest levels of R&D funding levels limit the scope and speed of innovation. Additionally, India’s defence testing infrastructure has yet to scale proportionally with the growing production capacity, creating bottlenecks in quality assurance and deployment timelines. On the export front, while Indian defence products are gaining international attention, there is a pressing need for stronger global marketing mechanisms and streamlined certification processes to effectively compete in international markets. Dawn of Strategic Sovereignty From frozen heights of Kargil to precision battlefields of Operation Sindoor, India has undergone profound military metamorphosis. This evolution reflects not just technological innovation, but a strategic vision rooted in resilience, sovereignty, and civil-military synergy. As India approaches its centenary of independence in 2047, the foundation laid by these two watershed moments will continue to shape its trajectory as a confident, capable, and autonomous power in the global order. (Author is a defence analyst, former military advisor and commanded an artillery brigade)

Read More
Primer – Caste Census in Bharat: Policy, Politics & Social Justice

Primer – Caste Census in Bharat: Policy, Politics & Social Justice

Caste Census in Bharat: Policy,Bharat’s renewed push for caste based enumeration or census is not just a domestic administrative reform but a landmark moment in the global conversation around equality, representation and justice. After nearly a century since last comprehensive caste enumeration in 1931, the upcoming 2027 census promises to confront deep inequalities embedded in Bharat’s social structure.

Read More
Trump’s Tantrums & Lies!

Trump’s Tantrums & Lies!

Quixotic dealing with strategic allies untenable, US may lose out on India and get cornered as the deep state and left lobbies plays dirty. K.A.Badarinath Overwhelming opinion amongst intelligentsia is that US President Donald Trump is throwing tantrums and lying through his teeth. His repeated claims from Washington DC, Kananaskis – the venue for G-7 summit – and elsewhere have come under close scrutiny internationally. First big claim that President Trump made was to have successfully mediated between Bharat and Pakistan during the week-long conflict to avert a nuclear war. The two countries fought a limited war following daylight murder of 26 tourists in Pahalgam of Jammu and Kashmir by ISI sponsored terrorists in April 25, 2025. Yesterday, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi categorically debunked President Trump’s falsified claims from White House and outside. Neither was there any mediation, dialogue nor intervention by President Trump to pause the armed conflict. Instead, ‘Operation Sindhoor’ was paused only at specific and desperate request of Pakistan military establishment through regular channels of communication after Bharat pounded its airbases deep. In fact, Trump had gone ahead and tweeted to claim his leadership role in dissuading the South Asian neighbours from going to a major nuclear war. Yesterday, President Trump went a step further and pointed out that international media did not write about his ‘stellar role’ as peacenik between the arch rivals. On the contrary, in his 35-minutes telephonic conversation with Trump, Modi unambiguously stated that the latter had no role whatsoever. Indian foreign office ‘read out’ by Secretary Vikram Misri clearly dismissed in most certain terms any mediation by President Trump. What’s laughable is that Donald Trump repeated his bombastic claim from Oval office that he stopped the war even after getting a ‘earful’ from Modi. Second big claim of President Trump that trade deal between India and US was used as leverage to bring around Prime Minister Modi. Again, this has been outright dismissed outright by India. President Trump’s suggestion that trade deal in the works between India and US leveraged to prevent a larger war was again billed as ‘preposterous’ and ‘untrue’. To drive home India’s unambiguous position on war with terror infested Pakistan, Modi firmly and politely declined Trump’s invite to stop over in Washington DC for a chat citing ‘prior commitments’.  One cannot recall if American President’s invite was ever declined by Indian leadership in the past. Few things have been stated crystal clear to President Trump in the telephonic conversation whether he liked it or not. India will not and never accept mediation with Pakistan. This is key articulation of the country’s policy as part of its ‘strategic autonomy’ framework. Yet another point made was that funding, sponsoring and abetting terrorism will now on be considered war against India and not Proxy war. And, hence, Bharat reserves the right to hit back in a manner it deems fit. Thirdly, Jammu & Kashmir is non-negotiable, integral to India and only discussion could be on areas under illegal occupation of Pakistan. In last few weeks, India exercised maximum restraint in not taking on President Trump’s claim either directly or indirectly. Yesterday’s phone call between the two leaders reflected clarity in articulation India’s position.  On the parallel, General Asim Munir of Pakistan getting close to White House, having a closed door lunch with President Trump is something that clearly indicates complete disruption in US foreign policy under Republican Presidency. Reports that President Trump promised hitherto denied defence technologies to Pakistan for using its territory to strike against Iran has its own implications. Old foreign policy hands have an independent analysis on the chain of events including President Trump’s claims that have been eventually denied by Indian foreign secretary Misri. Entire rule book in diplomatic niceties have been consigned to dust bin by President Trump and his bunch of policy advisors from corporate world while dealing with Presidents and Prime Ministers. Hosting General Asim Munir has its own nuances and messaging for sure. President Trump seems to have realized that General Munir could be deployed to could push the American agenda in Asia. Using Pakistani airbases and army entry – exit points across 1000 kilometres long border with Iran will only expand the war theatre between Israel and Iran. Courting Pakistan at most critical junctures have had happened even in the past. Hence, Trump – Munir lunch may not have come as a big surprise for some Indian security hawks. Also, Donald Trump may be looking at a defunct and rudderless Pakistan as ‘potential market’ for clinching transactional business deals as well as go down in human history with a ‘peace nobel’ courtesy Islamabad’s leadership. One big suspicion is that American deep state may be playing dirty against Prime Minister Modi’s decisive leadership as it had attempted at  denying his re-election for a third consecutive term. Cosying up of Pakistan military establishment with Republican White House may have come after a successful trade deal hammered out by Trump and Chinese Communist Party’s iron-fisted President Xi Jingping. In ultimate analysis, President Trump comes out as an ‘undependable ally’ for anyone including Bharat. Disruptions in equations with friends and foes may be treated with equanimity by the slippery Trump administration. Rising American societal unrest that has begun to show up in demonstrations and protests may only deepen threatening the very idea of ‘United States of America’. American deep state and Left aligned lobbies entrenched over decades are bound to exploit the churn to their advantage. In the process, there’s huge possibility of President Trump getting cornered. In the process, Trump may lose out on India. (Author is Director & Chief Executive of New Delhi based think tank, Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies)

Read More
Radicalised Khalistanis, a Canadian Problem

Radicalised Khalistanis, a Canadian Problem

For years Canada’s mainstream parties have courted Sikh immigrants to win votes. Now, they pander to Khalistani extremists for political gains. Rahul Pawa As Prime Minister Narendra Modi arrived in Canada for the G7 summit, an unsettling scene greeted international media: young children brandished “Khalistan” flags and even defaced a Hindu temple in Surrey with secessionist graffiti. These images of toddlers taught to chant separatist slogans sparked outrage in India and around the world. Spokesman Sudeep Singh of the revered Patna Sahib Gurudwara, the birthplace of the tenth Sikh Guru, Guru Gobind Singh Ji warned that “the way children were used in the protests is highly condemnable”. Similarly, Sikh seminary leader Sarchand Singh Khyala condemned the videos as “spreading hatred by brainwashing children”. Dressed-up flags and violent symbols at public parades horrify many Sikhs abroad who see these stunts as political theatre, not Sikhism. Mainstream Sikh leaders make the same point: Khalistanis in Canada are a tiny fringe, not the Sikh community. In late realization of sorts, former Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau has emphasized, “many supporters of Khalistan in Canada… do not represent the Sikh community as a whole.” Leading Sikh voices echo this. Jasdip Singh Jassee of Sikhs of America reminds Americans that “the vast majority of Sikhs globally, including in the US and Canada, do not support separatist agendas.” In India, religious seats like Takht Patna Sahib and Damdami Taksal have publicly denounced the protests. Their message is unequivocal: the Khalistan protesters are not Sikh martyrs. Patna Sahib’s spokesman notes that all of Sikhism’s pending issues are being resolved in India, so “there should not be such protests” against PM Modi “no Sikh can tolerate this.” In fact, these Khalistani stunts run directly counter to Sikh teachings. Sikhism emphasises service and harmony not hate or violence. Provincial Sikh leaders emphasise, “Sikhs have protected mandirs (Hindu temples)” as their sacred Dharmic duty. Yet last April in Surrey, vandals scrawled “Khalistan” on the pillars of Shree Lakshmi Narayana Mandir. This hate-crime – denounced by the temple as “an attack on a sacred space” would deeply sadden ordinary Sikhs. Jasdip Jassee said it was “disgusting” that extremists chose Diwali (a Sikh-protected festival) to vandalise a mandir, calling it “shameful” and against Sikh values. Similarly, Damdami Taksal (a mainstream Sikh seminary) has openly criticised Canadians who use children to insult India’s PM, saying these pro-Khalistan people “are spewing venom against India”. These Sikh authorities unanimously emphasise that Khalistan is not a Sikh cause and certainly not one worth teaching to children. On the contrary, Sikhism is deeply Dharmic and Indian. From the Punjabi heartland to global diaspora Sikhs celebrate their faith’s founder Guru Nanak and their tenets of service (seva) and protection.  India’s own armed forces and civil institutions reflect Sikh contributions: for example, Air Chief Marshal Arjan Singh (a Sikh) was made India’s first Air Force Field Marshal, and Sikh generals have led the Army in multiple wars. Sikh entrepreneurs, scholars and saints likewise uplifted Indian society. For modern Sikhs, the idea of carving out a separate nation feels alien only a “microscopic” minority even entertains it. A former Punjab Chief Secretary notes that hardcore Khalistani ideologues are “not even one per cent” of Sikh population while many others view Khalistan more as a business or polarising narrative. Polls agree Punjab elections show pro-Khalistan candidates picking up well under 1 – 2 per cent of votes in Sikh-majority districts. In short, the Khalistan idea has virtually no grassroots support back in India; it lives on only in select pockets abroad. So why does the Khalistan fringe loom so large in Canada? The answer lies in Canadian diaspora politics and foreign meddling. For years Canada’s mainstream parties have courted Sikh immigrants to win votes, often ignoring their excesses. Observers note a growing consensus among all Canadian parties to pander to Khalistan sympathies for electoral gain. Minister S. Jaishankar put it bluntly: by giving radical Sikhs impunity, “the Canadian government… is repeatedly showing that its vote bank is more powerful than its rule of law.” Veteran broadcaster Terry Milewski described it as a dirty deal: Canadian MPs attend Sikh parades and “look the other way” at posters of terrorists, in exchange for “10,000 votes… because the people of the gurdwaras will vote as we tell them”. In such a climate, small separatist groups found refuge on Canadian soil under the banner of free speech. Worse, intelligence services have cynically empowered them. Indian officials repeatedly assert that Pakistan’s ISI funds the Khalistani network in Canada. Union Minister Hardeep Puri openly called protestors “kiraye ke tattu” (mercenaries on hire) whose demonstrations were staged “from the neighbouring country [Pakistan] where they get funding.”  Security analysts back this up, several top analysts observe that these activists have their own underworld and are often involved in deadly gang rivalries and are essentially “helping Pakistanis spend whatever remains of their money”. Indeed, he warns that Sikh extremists in Canada “will continue to be funded and fuelled by the ISI”. Put bluntly, this looks less like a grass-roots Sikh movement than a criminal-intelligence network. It is a problem imported into Canada by a hostile state, not spawned by Sikh communities. The political consequences in Canada have been dramatic. In the 2025 federal elections, Jagmeet Singh, NDP leader who long voiced support for Sikh protesters, saw his party collapse. Singh lost his own seat and announced he would step down as leader. Earlier, in September 2024, Singh had even “ripped up” his confidence-and-supply deal with Trudeau’s “Liberals”, erasing the government majority he once helped engineer. Meanwhile Trudeau’s gamble backfired. As Sikh ally Singh turned on him, Trudeau’s Liberals barely clung to power under newcomer Mark Carney. By early 2025 Trudeau himself resigned as a result of his Khalistan miscalculation. In short, Ottawa’s flirtation with diaspora extremism not only frayed Canada-India ties, it torpedoed the careers of Western politicians. Against this turmoil, Sikhs have reaffirmed their core values. Sikh institutions wasted no time republishing lessons of unity. Damdami Taksal’s Sarchand

Read More
Indian Nationalism is Not What the West Thinks

Indian Nationalism is Not What the West Thinks

S Gurumurthy In a world fractured by power-hungry nationalism, often conjures images of military marches, border skirmishes, and ideological superiority, Indian idea of nationalism offers something radically different; a quiet, profound alternative rooted not in might but in meaning. It is not a nationalism that thunders from podiums; it is one that whispers from the soul. To truly understand India is to move beyond the tired paradigms of statehood and territory and to encounter a living, breathing civilisational rhythm; a spiritual consciousness that predates borders, flags, and constitutions. While Europe’s idea of nationalism was born through the ambitions of kings, forged in the crucible of wars, territorial conquests, royal marriages, and political unions which anchored in bloodshed and violence, gave nationalism itself a bad name, an order that civilised societies eventually began to distrust. It was nationalism by force. Whereas India’s nationalism is fundamentally different. It is not manufactured by power but nurtured by spirit. It is not imposed from above but arises from below, from saints, seers, philosophers, and common people who lived and preached peace, harmony, and unity across vast diversity. It is not territorial or military nationalism; it is civilisational nationalism. Hawaii University’s Professor Rammal R.J. conducted a study tracing 2,500 years of global violence, estimating that human beings have slaughtered between 680 million and 1.2 billion of their own kind. His maps and data revealed that the only geography untouched by large-scale violence until the 13th century was Bharat (India). While empires rose and fell in blood across continents, what preserved peace in India? It wasn’t statecraft or the sword. It was the silent, persistent work of sages and saints who cultivated a culture of coexistence, despite caste, creed, region, or religion. This is the only land where 33 crore Gods could exist in a single civilisation, where multiple ways of worship never fractured the social fabric. In contrast, the belief in one God elsewhere often created more divisions and violence than unity; wars were fought, lands were colonised, and people were exterminated in the name of “my god vs. your god.” This ethos, this capacity to live with contradiction and diversity, is the core of Indian nationalism. As one Swiss professor observed, India uniquely teaches how to live with differences of gods, languages, customs, and philosophies. This acceptance is the core of Indian nationalism. Ashoka’s war, the only major violent conflict considered “adharmic” in Indian history, was not celebrated but condemned. Indian consciousness was never at ease with conquest. It is this spiritual depth that Swami Vivekananda called the foundation of India’s unity. He proclaimed that India was a “union of hearts” beating to a shared spiritual rhythm, not a mechanical union imposed by administration or army. Maharishi Aurobindo, in his 1909 Uttarpara Speech, went further: “Sanatana Dharma is nationalism… With it, the Hindu nation was born. With it, it grows. If Sanatana Dharma declines, the nation declines. If it perishes, the nation perishes.” Even Mahatma Gandhi, often secularised in public memory, grounded his freedom struggle in this deeper idea of India. In his 1909 dialogue, Hind Swaraj captures his deep faith in India’s pre-colonial unity. When asked whether British railways, posts, and courts made India one nation, he responded: “We were one nation before they came… One thought inspired us; our mode of life was the same… What do you think our ancestors intended when they established Rameshwaram in the south, Jagannath in the east, and Haridwar in the north as places of pilgrimage?” This network of pilgrimages was India’s grassroots federation, uniting diverse peoples in a sacred geography: Punya Bhoomi, Karma Bhoomi, and Moksha Bhoomi. Unknown to most, Gandhi also invited Naga Sadhus to the 1920 Nagpur Congress session. The British were alarmed. Secret colonial documents noted that if saints and farmers united, the British Raj would collapse. That is why Gandhi dressed like a fakir because Indian nationalism was not bureaucratic but spiritual. Where European nations had to be artificially forged, with national languages and bureaucratic unity imposed after unification, India never needed that. It was always a living civilisation, not broken statues or forgotten scripts, but a lived experience. As Vivekananda famously said, unlike Greek or Roman ruins, Indian civilisation breathes even today in the lives of its people. This continuity was not preserved by emperors or parliaments but by the spiritual consciousness sustained by saints, temple traditions, and village dharma. That is why even someone arriving without preparation at the Kumbh Mela finds food, shelter, and welcome. India still lives that spirit without contracts, without government. In contrast, look at modern America. In 2020, five former U.S. Army Chiefs and six Defence Secretaries warned of a deep national fracture where Democrats and Republicans were unwilling to marry or even speak to each other. There was no shared sacredness. A Pew study revealed the stark truth: America has no sacred mountain, no sacred river, and no common sacred person. Only government institutions hold it together. In Italy, there are 30,000 canonised saints. In the U.S., just three. India, on the other hand, is a land where everything is sacred: the Ganga, the Himalayas, cows, trees, temples, sages, songs. The very soil is imbued with spiritual meaning. Even Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru also acknowledged this reality. In Glimpses of World History (1935), he wrote: “Vivekananda’s nationalism was Hindu nationalism. It had its roots in Hindu religion and culture. This was not in any way anti-Muslim or anti-anyone else.” He added, “It is not easy to draw a line between Hindu nationalism and Indian nationalism, for the two overlap.” This is not about majority vs. minority. It is about a shared civilisational memory. A memory that connects temples, tirthas, festivals, and philosophies across thousands of years and millions of hearts. In conclusion, Indian nationalism cannot be understood through Western lenses of political theory or colonial historiography. It is not “nation-state nationalism” but “civilisational dharma,” the living, breathing spiritual ethos of people who could house a thousand gods and a billion humans without losing

Read More
‘Mis-Reporting on War Against Terror’

‘Mis-Reporting on War Against Terror’

India faced serious issues when a few top international media outlets shred objectivity in their reportage on terror, terrorist organizations, their handlers and financiers. Rohan Giri In the dense fog of war against terror unleashed by India after dastardly killing of 26 tourists in Pahalgam, several international media outlets rushed not to inform, but to build slanted opinion in sync with their agenda-based narratives. From manipulated assumptions to selective outrage, recent reportage by outlets like The Independent, Al Jazeera, British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), The Guardian, The Washington Post and The New York Times raises serious questions not just about journalistic standards but the intent behind this slanted coverage of war on terror. Even global news agency like Reuters fell to prey to such narratives. Between May 7 – 11, India’s Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) and Ministry of Defence (MoD) jointly released evidence and detailed press briefings were held showing how India’s calibrated military actions were in direct response to a spate of cross-border terror attacks traced to Pakistan-based jihadi networks. Indian government provided satellite Intelligence, precision strike data and official press briefings were held. But, the international media houses chose to bury facts, ignore or sidestep India’s security concerns, campaign against terror and gave platform to unverifiable Pakistani military propaganda. One big question was the possible agenda these media houses peddled during the conflict? London-based The Independent carried articles in series on terror attacks, military retaliation by India and the two full days of conflict. One piece suggested that Pakistan shot down three Indian Rafale fighter jets. Reuters went a step further and put the number of fighter jets lost by India at five.  The New York Times even claimed that it had evidence. But then, what’s the basis for these dispatches? Well, an old hand at international news agencies averred that the story was blurted  out by American security establishment sleuths that reportedly kept a watch on India’s precision strikes that led to destruction of nine terrorist sites in Pakistan occupied Jammu Kashmir and deep within Pakistan where over 100 terrorists were neutralised. Another version was that Chinese Communist Party apparatus swung into action. Its agenda that apparently was pushed big time. As per these media analysts, China was keen to portray that its military aircraft and missiles in Pakistani armour shot down the Rafale fighter jets. Beijing’s possible intent was to establish its superiority in tactical and technological superiority in a complex war theatre. The word around was that China was simultaneously looking at testing its fighters capabilities and missiles power as against French Dassault built Rafales and Indian missiles. Well, one wonders on ethical part of media ecosystem that comes under close scrutiny in trying war situation. But then, lobbies with geo-political interests and corporates pushing their defence ware also played out. Unverified claims made by Pakistani military as part of its psychological offensive was taken as ‘fact based’ news copy without third-party verification or forensic satellite imagery. Interestingly enough, the big unanswered question was why several international media outlets failed to pass muster by for not juxtaposing India’s official version or basic checks done with South Block that houses defence ministry on Raisina Hill. A story on similar lines filed by The New York Times team in South Asia with screaming headlines that India lost jets. This is contrary to Indian army version that all aircraft returned safely to their base. If Pakistan had such decisive victories shooting down as many as five Indian jets and global media networks reported this as the ‘absolute truth’ where’s the evidence? Did Pakistan present wreckage or pilot log information? Was evidence sought either from US security establishment, Chinese peddlers or Pakistani machinery? Is this objective ‘war reporting’ or part of the larger misinformation campaign launched by Islamabad, its backers and cahoots? Another write up by Independent claimed that India used Israeli-origin Harop drones against Pakistan in a provocative act insinuating recklessness. Again, no proof was offered, no drone telemetry was shown and no assessment was provided of the Harop’s actual precision capabilities. Were these articles meant to inform the reader—or feed into a broader narrative that paints India as a trigger-happy aggressor, irrespective of facts? Al Jazeera went a step further. It aired emotional testimonies from locals in Muridke who disputed India’s intelligence that a mosque in the town had doubled up as a terror training camp. Civilians deserve to be heard in a war situation. But, why was it that these newsmen with huge track record failed to piece together Muridke’s well-documented history as headquarters of Lashkar-e-Taiba. This is not classified information—it is part of the 26/11 Mumbai terror ATF reports and independent research. Why suppress this reality? Who benefits from painting that Muridke was a “victim”? Moving to the next peddler, The Guardian published a humanizing profile of Pakistan Army Chief General Asim Munir, portraying him as a composed and stabilizing force. What got omitted in the process was Munir’s leadership of Pakistani military that intensified support to jihadist proxies under the guise of “strategic depth”—a doctrine responsible for decades of regional instability. Why romanticize military leadership in a country where elected civilian voices are repeatedly silenced and the army retained unchecked power? Why does The Guardian avoid similar puff pieces for India’s civilian leadership during crisis management? In another article, The Guardian casually reported India’s accusations that Pakistani drones had attacked Indian civilian and military sites. It framed this as part of a “tit-for-tat” cycle—effectively equating defensive action with terrorist provocation. But how can a country’s retaliation after civilian deaths be presented as escalation? Is there no difference between attacking civilians and targeting terror camps based on intelligence? Meanwhile, The Washington Post centered its story on the theme of “misinformation”—but blurred the lines between Pakistan’s unverifiable claims and India’s official statements backed by data and press briefings. Does Washington Post really believe a constitutional democracy’s formal briefings are on par with WhatsApp forwards and anonymous leaks pushed by a military-intelligence complex with a known

Read More
Brief - Pakistan Targets Sikhs, Gurdwara

Brief: Pakistan Targets Sikh Gurdwara

Pakistan’s army began an unprecedented campaign of cross-border small arms and artillery bombardments into Jammu & Kashmir almost immediately after April 22, 2025 Pakistan backed terrorist attack in Pahalgam (which killed 25 Tourists, after ascertaining their Hindu faith). By April 24, India had suspended the 1960 Indus Waters Treaty, and within hours Pakistan “resorted to unprovoked firing at various places along the LoC in J&K, starting from the Kashmir valley”.

Read More
Hypocrisy Mars Press Freedom Index

Hypocrisy Mars Press Freedom Index

Enhanced transparency, fairness, inclusivity and addressing structural issues will make Reporters Without Borders report more credible. Madhu Hebbar World Press Freedom Day is observed annually on May 3 by United Nations General Assembly beginning 1993 to champion fundamental role of free press in free democratic societies. It promotes press freedom, evaluates its global state, defends media independence and honours journalists who face persecution or death for their work (United Nations, www.un.org). In 2025, the focus is impact of artificial intelligence on journalism, addressing both its potential to enhance reporting and its risks, such as misinformation and surveillance. The day calls for governments to protect journalists and encourages media professionals to reflect on ethical challenges, emphasizing the press as cornerstone of democracy. World Press Freedom Index, published by Reporters Without Borders (RSF), ranks 180 countries based on press freedom across five indicators: political context, legal framework, economic context, socio-cultural context and safety (RSF, rsf.org). In 2024, rankings for United States, United Kingdom, France and India reveal varied challenges, while criticisms of the index’s methodology and perceived biases spark debates about its objectivity. United States (Rank: 55th, Score: 66.59) As per the index, US dropped 10 places from 45th in 2023 with press freedom score of 66.59, the lowest in recent years (Statista, www.statista.com). RSF cites growing public distrust in media, fueled by political antagonism, as a key factor. Limited government interference notwithstanding, media ownership concentration, decline of local newsrooms, and layoffs—thousands of journalists lost jobs in 2023–2024—have weakened media landscape (RSF, rsf.org). Biden administration’s rhetoric such as calling journalism “not a crime,” contrasts with its pursuit of WikiLeaks’ Julian Assange and failure to press allies like Israel on press freedom violations (RSF, rsf.org). Critics argue US ranking reflects domestic political polarization rather than overt censorship, yet its mid-tier position highlights structural vulnerabilities in a supposed bastion of free speech (ICIJ, www.icij.org). United Kingdom (Rank: 23rd, Score: 78.29) UK improved slightly to 23rd in 2024 from 26th in 2023 with a score of 78.29 reflecting a relatively strong press freedom environment within Europe (RSF, rsf.org). However, challenges persist, including threats to public media funding and legal harassment of journalists through Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation (SLAPPs). UK’s score benefits from a robust legal framework and media pluralism but RSF notes concerns over surveillance laws and detention of Assange which raise questions about government commitment to press freedom (RSF, rsf.org). Critics argue the UK’s high ranking may downplay these issues, especially when compared to lower-ranked nations with more overt censorship, suggesting a possible Western bias in the index’s weightage for subtle versus explicit threats. France (Rank: 21st, Score: 78.53) France rose to 21st in 2024 from 24th in 2023, with a score of 78.53, bolstered by strong legislative framework and European Media Freedom Act (EMFA) which protects journalists from political interference (Vajiram & Ravi, vajiramandravi.com). Yet, RSF highlights issues like police violence against journalists during protests and increasing online harassment particularly targeting female reporters. France ranking reflects Europe’s generally favourable press environment but its score masks domestic challenges such as media ownership concentration and occasional government pressure on public broadcasters (RSF, rsf.org). Critics question whether France’s high ranking overstates its press freedom given these issues compared to lower-ranked nations facing more severe restrictions. India (Rank: 159th, Score: 31.28) India improved slightly from 161st in 2023 to 159th in 2024, but its score dropped from 36.62 to 31.28 with gains only in security indicator (Vajiram & Ravi, vajiramandravi.com). RSF reports that nine journalists and one media worker were detained in 2024 and new laws like the Telecommunications Act 2023 and Digital Personal Data Protection Act 2023 grant government sweeping powers to censor media (Drishti IAS, www.drishtiias.com). Modi government’s ties with media conglomerates such as Reliance, which owns over 70 outlets reaching 800 million people, exacerbate concerns about media independence. India’s government has dismissed the index as “propaganda,” arguing it overlooks democratic vibrancy and uses a flawed methodology with small sample size (Hindustan Times, www.hindustantimes.com). India’s low ranking behind relatively unstable nations like Pakistan (152nd) fuels accusations of bias, as critics claim the index penalizes non-Western democracies disproportionately. Hypocrisy in Rankings RSF index faces accusations of hypocrisy, particularly in its treatment of Western versus non-Western nations. US, UK, and France despite domestic issues like media concentration and legal harassment, consistently rank higher than India, where overt censorship and journalist detentions are more prevalent. Critics argue that RSF’s methodology, reliant on expert questionnaires and Western funding, may prioritize subtle threats in democracies (e.g., distrust in the US) over systemic repression elsewhere (Global Investigative Journalism Network, gijn.org). For instance, India’s ranking near conflict zones like Palestine (157th) seems harsh to its defenders, given its democratic elections, while the UK’s high ranking despite Assange’s detention raises questions of consistency. RSF’s focus on political indicators, which fell globally by 7.6 points in 2024 may amplify perceptions of bias when Western allies face lighter scrutiny than adversaries like China (172nd) or Russia (162nd) (RSF, rsf.org). The index’s credibility is further questioned due to its funding from Western governments and NGOs which some argue aligns rankings with geopolitical interests. For example, Qatar (89th) ranks surprisingly high despite media restrictions, possibly reflecting strategic alliances (RSF, rsf.org). India’s stagnation at 159th despite its democratic framework, suggests a potential Western-centric lens that undervalues non-Western contexts. To address these criticisms, RSF could enhance methodological transparency and diversify its expert pool to better reflect global realities. Conclusion World Press Freedom Day underscores vital role of a free press but RSF index’s rankings for US, UK, France and India highlight both unique national challenges and broader questions about the index’s fairness. While US grapples with distrust, UK and France face legal and structural issues and India contends with overt censorship, index’s perceived biases undermine its credibility. A more transparent and inclusive approach could strengthen its role as a global advocate for press freedom. (Author is an IIT Graduate Engineer, living in the greater Los Angeles area. He is engaged in coaching youngsters interested in Hindu civilizational

Read More
Report: Conversion Cartels, Silent War on Bharat’s Soul

Report: Conversion Cartels, Silent War on Bharat’s Soul

India’s dharmic landscape is witnessing significant alteration with patterns emerging that raise concerns about national security, social cohesion and sovereignty. These patterns include proliferation of churches, legal actions related to religious conversions, children rescued from missionary organizations and increased scrutiny of missionary bodies under Foreign Contribution Regulation Act (FCRA).​

Read More