CIHS – Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies

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How CCP is Architecting a New World Order

How CCP is Architecting a New World Order

CCP is positioning itself not just as a regional power but as the central player in an emerging new world order. With every move, Beijing is sending a clear signal: the era of Western dominance is drawing to an end, and China’s moment has arrived.  In recent years, Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has embarked on a series of bold, strategically transformative initiatives that are not only reshaping global order but also redefining the very concept of national security. Seizing the moment, Beijing has advanced a comprehensive strategy aimed at strengthening its position while challenging post-Cold War world order that has long been dominated by Western powers. The scope of Beijing’s ambitions has expanded to unprecedented levels—ranging from large-scale infrastructure projects spanning continents to advancements in technology and energy. Each initiative showcases a determined effort to reposition China at the centre of a new global hierarchy. Unfolding, an era of calculated moves, technological breakthroughs, and strategic posturing, all of which are poised to fundamentally shift global power dynamics and shape international landscape for decades to come. It started with a quiet, yet signifiant move into the heart of Africa. Under Belt and Road Initiative, a series of 30 clean energy projects has begun to take shape across the continent, weaving a complex web of CCP influence in countries long neglected by the West. Solar farms, wind turbines, and hydroelectric plants are rising where darkness and poverty once reigned, promising economic growth and energy independence. To many, it seems like the kind of philanthropy the world needs—Beijing is playing the role of the benevolent superpower, offering solutions where others have failed. Yet, as Beijing’s footprint expands, its motives become clearer. This is not just about lighting up villages or building infrastructure—it’s about creating a sphere of influence. The “Green Silk Initiative,” as some have called it, is a tool for political leverage, an economic dependency cloaked in the rhetoric of environmentalism and mutual benefit. For the CCP, Africa’s energy future is not just about growth; it’s about aligning a vast continent with its own vision for the global order, a vision that has no place for Western hegemony. Simultaneously, high in the Tibetan plateau, another monumental CCP project is taking shape—one that threatens to reshape the region’s future and leave its critics scrambling for answers. The CCP’s proposed hydropower dam, set to generate 300 billion kilowatt-hours annually, is poised to become the world’s largest hydropower project, with an estimated cost of $137 billion. Beyond the eye-popping numbers, the scale of this project has sparked intense controversy. Tibetan exiles and environmental groups warn that the dam could irrevocably damage fragile ecosystems and desecrate landscapes that have been sacred for centuries. The Dalai Lama, exiled since the CCP’s occupation of Tibet, has repeatedly voiced concerns, cautioning that such large-scale developments, masked as progress, would scar a land steeped in ancient culture and unparalleled natural beauty. For many, the dam is not simply an energy project—it is a symbol of cultural and ecological destruction, a stark manifestation of a regime willing to sacrifice the sacred in its relentless pursuit of power. The ambitions of the CCP, however, extend far beyond energy and infrastructure, reaching into the very heart of technological advancement. The unveiling of the CR450 high-speed train serves as a striking demonstration of China’s emerging engineering prowess, as well as a symbol of its strategy to dominate the global transportation landscape. The CR450, now recognised as the world’s fastest train, is more than a marvel of modern engineering—it is a direct challenge to the West’s technological supremacy. Designed to connect major cities across China with unprecedented speed and efficiency, the train cuts through the landscape with such force that it feels less like a transportation system and more like a statement. The rapid development and deployment of such projects place Beijing not only at the cutting edge of infrastructure but in a strategic position to export its technology globally, further entrenching its economic and political reach across the globe. This is not a game of pure infrastructure, however. As much as the CCP seeks to dazzle the world with its technological feats, it also seeks to control the future of energy and power itself. The “Artificial Sun” project, another CCP innovation, has captured the global imagination. Under the banner of the Celestial Fusion programme, Chinese scientists recently set a world record by sustaining plasma for an unprecedented 1,066 seconds. This achievement, presented with immense fanfare by the Chinese state, positions the China as a leader in the race for clean, limitless energy. But in many ways, the artificial sun represents more than just a scientific breakthrough. For many critics, it is a carefully choreographed piece of state-sponsored propaganda, designed to project power and technological dominance. CCP is positioning itself not just as a global economic power but as a potential monopoly on the energy sources of the future. The implications of such a shift cannot be understated. The ability to control global energy markets and dictate terms for future energy access will fundamentally reshape the power structures of the 21st century. Beijing’s naval ambitions, too, have grown exponentially. The unveiling of the Type 075 amphibious assault ship is a powerful signal of the CCP’s People’s Liberation Army (PLA) growing military might and its intent to dominate the seas. This vessel, one of the largest of its kind, is capable of deploying large forces quickly and efficiently across vast stretches of the ocean. The message is clear: CCP is ready to assert itself as a maritime power capable of protecting its interests in critical regions such as the South China Sea, where tensions with Southeast Asian nations and the United States have been escalating for years.The Type 075, with its cutting-edge technology and imposing size, epitomises Beijing’s broader naval ambitions to challenge both South Asian and Western naval presences in the region. More than just a weapon, the ship serves as a floating symbol of Beijing’s power projection—an embassy on water, reinforcing the message

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Tolerate Xi, No Other Option

Western powers may shudder at third term for Chinese President, India may be uneasy with the pit-bull, but then does world have a say? K.A.Badarinath “Over throw the dictator” posters and banners that donned Sitong Bridge overpass in Beijing. Similarly thousands of Chinese people gathered at one of the suburban town 45-kilometres away on eastern edge of Beijing protesting the repressive President Xi Jingping’s zero-covid 19 norms in three years. These two instances are symptomatic of unease and restlessness within Chinese population against Oligarchs and multi-billionaires controlled Communist Party of China’s government even as the prima donna leader President Xi gets ready for third term coronation. Rarest of the rare protests that ordinary working class people staged on Thursday demanding their right to travel to work places in Beijing is tip of the iceberg. Whatever may be the line pursued by official communist party organ, People’s Daily, information trickling across social media point to a section of Chinese people seeking change in the leadership. South China Morning Post’s story talks of the protests that have sent larger message to President Xi Jingping and the Communist Party of China’s five years once national congress that begins its week-long session on Sunday. “Say no to Covid test, yes to food. No to lockdown, yes to freedom. No to lies, yes to dignity. No to cultural revolution, yes to reform. No to the great leader, yes to vote. Don’t be a slave, be a citizen,” read banners during Thursday protests as per a dispatch of CNN. These liners sum up the ordinary folks’ aspirations in China. “Go on strike, remove the dictator and national traitor Xi Jinping” pointed to the intent behind protest very succinctly. Not that these protests, public outrage or demand for democratic governance structures would mean anything to the autocratic rule led by President Xi Jingping. Anointing Xi to the ‘core’ by central committee of CPC only reflects the sycophants that have filled in the high chair. After having secured the ‘iconic status’, there’s nothing that may come in his way from continuing his lacklustre regime for another five years. Upper age limit of 68-years may not be applicable to President Xi. Party’s rule book that limits the Presidency to two terms also may not be a limiting factor. If reports from outlets like BBC were to be believed, President Xi will continue as ‘supreme leader’ for his life time. Apart from revamping the seven member polit-bureau standing committee with his acolytes, President Xi may even be elevated to become chairman with executive powers, a post that was abolished at the twelfth national congress in 1982. Mao Zedong who shaped Communist Party of China in the formative years was the most popular and the only chairman of the leftist formation China had in aftermath of the long march. If President Xi were to get designated as the Chairman now or after five years, he’s bound to ensure that one of his stooges would be appointed as General Secretary with limited or no executive powers. The 25-member strong polit-bureau of the party to be announced next week end would have faces that are ‘very loyal’ to President Xi Jingping. Along with third term for President Xi and reorganizing party and government’s top deck, there’s every possibility that Chinese military, political and party doctrine would get rewritten. Western block led by US, Japan, Australia and some of their European allies are bound to mount fresh challenge to Chinese Indo-Pacific strategy apart from isolating China further on economic, trade and investments matrix. His signature projects like Belt and Roads Initiative that pushed lot many countries into the Chinese debt trap may get a leg up. China’s development and security initiatives would get redefined and fortified notwithstanding its own block making and criticism on dragon’s debt stranglehold. China under President Xi’s third term would try and re-assert on security front, reimagine and re-energise its economy that took a huge hit last three years owing to Covid 19 pandemic. In a bid to bring the disenchanted communist cadres together and give a fillip to the world’s largest military, President Xi may lean heavily on the ‘nationalist sentiment and emotional China centric appeal’ that’s very anti-thesis of Communist party’s ideological stand. Russia – Ukraine conflict that has had led to a huge energy crisis in entire Europe and China siding with President Putin serves as the perfect backdrop to CPC rewriting its doctrine on ‘development and security’. For India, the fallout of possibly a more stringent CPC line, will be huge given that Beijing – New Delhi ties got redefined especially after East Ladakh adventurism attempted by President Xi and his cronies in last two years.  On economic front, there could be significant challenges as India readies to replace China across supply chains network including Defence equipment and services. As India warms up to assume chairmanship of G-20 and China continues to hold reins of BRICS till June next year,  a huge change in bilateral and multi-lateral engagements in the region and beyond would shape the post-Covid 19 world. Also, with India being chair of UNSC as an elected member for two years, there’s likelihood of some churn in global organizations. As a write up in South China Morning Post put it, western powers led by US may not like a third term for President Xi Jingping, but do they have an option. They have to live with it and the world will have to tolerate him for perhaps his lifetime. India will have to move its pawns with care and caution keeping the independent and balanced security and foreign policy stand intact. (Author is director and chief executive, Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies, New Delhi)

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