CIHS – Centre for Integrated and Holistic Studies

Date/Time:

Heritage, Ethos, Not Saffronisation

Heritage, Ethos, Not Saffronisation

Selective amnesia and deliberate attempt to communalise the army on naming of operation Sindoor is gross and unacceptable. Brig Brijesh Pandey Frontline column “Hindu Names for Military Operations: Treading a Dangerous Line” by Mani Shankar Aiyar published on 09, September 2025 argues that naming of military operations by the present government – most recently Operation Sindoor reflects a deliberate “saffronisation of Indian Army.” The argument is provocative, selective and highly misleading. Having served for 35 years in Indian Army, I never felt that I’m a Hindu or so to say only a Hindu. Being from a pure Sikh Regiment, felt more like a SIKH, behaved like a Sikh and whenever there was a chance to name an institution, exercise or force, the first name that would come to the mind was one that related to Sikh traditions of valour. Yet no one, including my parents, questioned my secular or Hindu credentials. This is so, because anyone who understands armed forces – the history, military tradition and institutional structure – knows that operation or force names are cultural symbols, not ideological manifestos. The culture of naming operations and exercises is older than modern warfare and militaries across the globe use evocative names for operations and exercises – sometimes as a code for secrecy, motivation and more often for messaging deterrence to the adversary as much as public consumption. From earliest days of independent India, armed forces have drawn names from mythology, Sanskrit, geography and abstract concepts. This practice cuts across political regimes led by Congress, BJP or coalitions. In 1984, almost four decades prior to the debate, Indian Army launched Operation Meghdoot to secure Siachen Glacier. The name comes from Kalidasa’s Sanskrit classic Meghaduta (Cloud Messenger from Hindu Cosmology) where an exiled Yaksha asks a cloud to carry a message to his beloved in the Himalayas. Name was chosen, as it was apt reflection of the nature of operation wherein Indian troops were airlifted like clouds into Himalayan heights. It was nothing but a cultural resonance. The name of recently concluded operation Sindoor has been used as evidence to create a discourse that Army is getting communalized or saffronised. Rationale for the name is very clear. Terrorists in Pahalgam targeted married Hindu men, widowing women overnight.  Sindoor (vermilion) symbolizes marital bond in Indian culture. Naming the operation which was primarily a retaliatory action against such a heinous crime selectively inflicted on the majority community of the country was meant to be a tribute to victims and their families, not as a religious decree. Branding it as ideologically motivated reflects ignorance as well as crafty effort to question secular credentials of the armed forces. The act of symbolism and resolve when questioned post-operation Sindoor, a defense ministry official had said, “There is no single written policy on naming. Choices are pragmatic, contextual and meant to evoke resolve.” More often than not, the ideas get generated at very junior level and accepted as such to keep the initiative alive. The writer of “Hindu Names for Military Operations: Treading a Dangerous Line” has been selective about names in recent times, without considering full spectrum since evolution of Indian Armed Forces. When names like Operation Trident (1971), Operation Shakti (1998) or Exercise Ashvamedha (2007) were chosen, no one accused the government of the day – the Congress-led in each case – of religious indoctrination. In the name “Operation Trident”, famous naval strike on Karachi in 1971, “trident” is nothing else than “Trishul”, the weapon of Lord Shiva. Operation Shakti, India’s nuclear test in 1998 drew the name from Goddess power in the Hindu philosophy. But then, these names were accepted as civilizational, not sectarian. When no questions were Congress raised then, why do it now? To illustrate that there is neither any disruption in naming the operations nor is any correlation with appointment of CDS, it is important to analyze few names that relate to the pre and post-2014 era. Era Operation/Exercise Name Year Origin/Meaning Mythological/ Cultural link Pre-2014 Operation Meghdoot 1984 Kalidasa’s Meghadoota Yaksha sends clouds to Himalayas   Operation Trident 1971 Trident (Trishul) Weapon of Lord Shiva   Operation Pawan 1987 Pawan = Wind Vedic Deity   Operation Shakti 1998 Shakti = Power Goddess Power   Exercise Ashvamedha 2007 Royal Horse sacrifice Ancient Hindu Ritual   Exercise Sudarshan Shakti 2011 Sudarshan Chakra Vishnu’s discus   Missiles Prithvi, Agni, Akash, Nag Ongoing Fire, Earth, Sky, Serpent Vedic / Hindu roots   Exercise Indra Ongoing Indra = God of rain Vedic deity Post 2014 Operation Maitri 2015 Maitree = Friendship Sanskrit, Budhist ethos   Exercise Shatrujeet 2016 Shatrujeet = Enemy Conqueror Sanskrit motivational If Armed Forces were being transformed to suit a particular religion, their names and demography would also have started changing. Instead, the regimental system remains plural – Sikh Regiment, Rajputana Rifles, Maratha Light Infantry, Punjab Regiment, Assam Regiment, Madras regiment, Gorkha Regiment, Brigade of Guards, and so on – each maintaining regional, caste or faith-based traditions. The very regimentation of Indian Armed Forces is proof of pluralism. If the army was being saffronised as claimed by Aiyar, there would be a written directive mandating Hindu names. Whether it is regiments, exercises or operations, they would all start assuming names relating to Hindu religion only. Unlike compulsory recruitment of persons of religions based on which regiments exist only Hindus will get recruited. Likewise, promotion criteria will change. There would be no non-Hindu tenanting critical appointments such as Chief of Army / Navy / Air Force. Contrary to this, what we see is continuity: a mixture of neutral, mythological and cultural names chosen for operational and symbolic value. Seen through Cognitive Warfare lens, such narratives follow a familiar toolkit: disinformation (casting doubts on facts by portraying cultural symbolism as ideological capture), amplification (mainstreaming selective examples while ignoring historical continuity) and de-legitimization (eroding trust in one of the most patriotic institutions). We saw a similar pattern when opposition leaders questioned authenticity of 2016 Surgical Strikes and 2019 Balakot airstrike. In each case, rumour and

Read More

PLA ploy in Nepal may come a cropper

Nepalese maoist leadership move to stop enlisting Gurkhas in Indian Army point to China’s dragon net cast wide to tighten its stranglehold Rahul Pawa Earliest reference to Gurkhas can be found in Hindu epic treatise, the Mahabharata. This poem tells the tale of Bhima, one of the heroes, and his encounter with Kichaka, a fierce warrior who was the chief of Kiratas tribe. This tribe inhabited present-day Himalayan region of Nepal and Kichaka was known for his strength and ferocity in battle. Bhim found it challenging to defeat him but he eventually emerged victorious and spared Kichaka’s life, accepting him as his ally. This encounter is believed to be the first mention of the tribe that later became popular as ‘Gurkhas.’  Known for their bravery and martial prowess, the term ‘Gurkha’ is derived from Gorkha district, part of Gandaki province in western Nepal. The region was ancestral home to Shah dynasty that was founded in 1559 by King Dravya Shah, a descendant of Rajput warriors from northern India. Gurkhas as we know them today came to limelight late 18th and early 19th centuries when they were recruited in British East India Company and later the British Indian Army. It is unclear who precisely coined the term ‘Gurkha,’ but believed to have been popularised by the British during the Anglo-Nepalese War of 1814-16. The term was used to refer to soldiers from the Gorkha district and surrounding regions that were recruited into the British Indian Army. Since then, Gorkhas became synonymous with Nepalese soldiers known for their fighting skills and reputation for bravery, who continued to serve both British and Indian armies. Recently, rumours were rife on Chinese Communist Party’s (CPC) plans to recruit Gorkhas into People’s Liberation Army (PLA). This renewed concerns over CPC’s influence over Nepalese Prime Minister and maoist ideologue Pushpa Kamal Dahal a.k.a Prachanda and his Communist -dominated Nepalese government. In the elections held on November 20 last year, Prachanda ‘s Maoist Centre secured third largest number of seats with 32 in the 275- member House of Representatives. Prachanda was sworn in as Nepal’s Prime Minister on 130th birth anniversary of Mao Zedong, who was a significant ideological influence on Prachanda. As per a report by EPardafas, CPC activities in Nepal spread far and wide after Dahal-led government took reins of the Himalayan Kingdom. CPC’s attempts to influence Nepal’s politics through targeted information operation appear to be a page from Chinese communist’s larger strategy book to whip up anti-India sentiment in the country. CPC strategy seems to be consistent with Mao Zedong’s historical “Five Fingers of Tibet” policy that was first articulated in his speeches during 1940s. The clandestine formulation was to “liberate” Sikkim, Bhutan, Ladakh, and the NEFA from what Mao perceived as “Indian imperialism.” On the contrary, CPC’s expansionist agenda seem to have led to providing financial assistance in order to advance their neatly designed work programme among Nepal’s 30 million habitants. Over the years, CPC floated or supported several think-tanks in Nepal through Chinese Study Centre (CSC) at Katmandu established in 2009. Thirty two  such study centres came into being as part of larger design to set up one centre each in the country’s77 districts. These centres played a key role to provide ground research to push CPC aspirations in Nepal.  In addition to teaching Mandarin, these centres researched in different subjects with funding support from China. One subject study was aimed at assessing young Nepali – Gurkhas interest and motivation to joini Indian Army. The study was also to evaluate financial expectations of Nepali youngsters from their stints in Indian Army. This provides perfect backdrop to Nepalese communist leadership request to their Indian counterparts for putting on hold Gurkhas recruitment. This request not only flummoxed the Indian army recruiters but also Nepali youngsters that showed keen interest the new Agnipath scheme. The maoist government justified its stand with the contention that Nepalese lawmakers were yet to discuss the ‘Agnipath’ recruitment issue. This request from Nepal government also provides a window of opportunity to CPC for enlisting Gurkha warriors into PLA. Big question therefore is if the Maoist led Nepalese government turning its youth as “force on hire” for PLA. For most Gurkhas serving as soldiers in the Indian army, it is not just about money, schemes for Nepalese people or the decades-old tripartite agreement. It is about a shared unique closeness and oneness of tradition and faith. Shared history, mutual respect and an inalienable link unite Nepal and India.  This bond of combat brotherhood is maintained by the Gurkha troops who serve between the two nations.  Nepal and India have had shared more than just this idea for thousands of years. Soldiers of Nepalese and Indian ancestry have formed a common relationship as Gurkhas and brotherhood that bonds them. Nepal and India relations go beyond contemporary disputes and conflicts with both countries sharing a distinctive tradition of anointing each other’s Chiefs of Army Staff as Honorary Generals. The Gurkha hat and Khukuri are not just symbols of courage and bravery but represent the brotherly relationship and cultural affinities shared by both nations. They won several gallantry awards together including the Param Vir Chakra and Maha Vir Chakra for their bravery and sacrifice. Indian Army and CPC’s PLA contrast hence becomes significant. In particular, PLA’s differential treatment of their own people and that of neighbours come to the fore. CPC occupation of Nepali land, attempt to sow discord within Nepal and luring the country into a debt trap have become points of larger public discourse. CPC’s actions in Nepal and its disregard for universal human rights and freedoms make it an unlikely recruiter for the proud Gurkhas. Nepalese people and Gurkhas will have to remain vigilant against attempts by foreign powers to interfere in its internal affairs. Decisions on Gurkhas recruitment must be made in the best interests of the Nepalese people and not influenced by external pressures or agendas. Gurkhas have served both Nepal and India with distinction for many years and

Read More